-Such are the demands of the Gazette de France,-demands which, in a certain degree, meet the claim for universal suffrage on the one hand, and a desire still existing in many parts of France for independence from the capital, on the other ;-demands intended to take the power from the bourgeoisie of the towns, in order to place it in the hands of the provincial gentry and their dependents.

Here is the difference betwen the Gazette and the Quotidienne :

The Quotidienne does not poetize with its opinions. It does not show you royalism as it might be in its theatrical and popular costume, but as it is. There is no disguise of party hatred, no dressing up of political opinion. It has the talent which the Morning Post has lately acquired; it has at the same time the bigotry of its English cotemporary.

The Gazette de France* is the journal of the

* The Gazette de France is chiefly the property of an individual, M. de Genoude, and its conduct is supposed to be the suggestion of M. Lourdoneix.

These two gentlemen were employed together during the restoration. M. de Genoude as Conseiller d'Etat, M. de Lourdoneix as Chef de Division des beaux-arts, in the office of minister of the interior, and as Censeur Royal! I call attention to this occupation, as it is

young and enlightened royalists of Paris, who are glad to see their principles put into so popular a garb. The Quotidienne is the journal of the old-fashioned nobility, who still remember the royal coaches of Versailles. The one has been wittily called the procureur of legitimacy, the other the avocat.

The Gazette talks of a King and a nobility as the best for the people ;-the Quotidienne puts the people quite out of the question ;— but, dark in its doctrines, this paper is neither stupid nor nebulous in the style in which it displays them.

The Constitutionnel and the Débats are the

amusing enough to find in the Censeur Royal of the restoration, the advocate of the unlimited liberty of the press at the present time; to which I might add that the liberal M. Etienne of the Constitutionnel occupied, (and filled rather cruelly towards Madame de Staël) the same odious office of Censeur during the time of the Empire. M. de Lourdoneix is a man of talent and imagination. and gives to what he writes a colouring that is peculiarly favourable to newspaper success.

The review of the theatres is given to M. de la Forest, who wrote better formerly than he does now; and M. Bossange, formerly a bookseller and a liberal, has replaced as a literary reviewer, the celebrated M. Colnett, whose articles contributed at one time, to give a high literary reputation to this journal.

journals of the bourgeoisie great and small; the Gazette and the Quotidienne* of the nobility, violent and moderate. The two first are the advocates of the government of Louis Philippe, more or less devotedly :-the two last are the advocates of Henry V, and the fallen dynasty, but with equal distinctions.

I am now about to speak of a paper, remarkable before and since the revolution for its talent, and which differs essentially

*This paper, formerly directed by M. Laurentie, whose monarchical and religious talent had passed into a proverb, has lately been deserted by that gentleman, and is at the present time, I believe, conducted by M. de Brian, a gentleman of high reputation. M. Netman is one of its ablest writers, and every Monday there appears from his pen one of those political articles, half-serious and half-gay, which have in France such success.

The literary and dramatic part of the Quotidienne is conducted by M. Merle, formerly Director of the Porte St. Martin, at Paris, and secretary to M. de Bourmont in his expedition to Algiers. This part of the paper is usually written not with very great ability, but in an enlightened spirit. M. de Balzac, the popular romanee writer of the day, is frequently a contributor.

from any I have yet named, in respect to its opinions.

I mean the National.

There is this satisfaction, thank God, in speaking of a foreign country, that one is not only free, but even supposed to be free from all party influences and personal affec

tions.

If in speaking of England, you were to say— that it will be difficult for any ministry, not containing Lord Durham, to satisfy the country, which has been won as well by his bold spirit as by his practical intelligence: if, in speaking of England, you were to say this-some time serving clerk would remark, that to attach yourself to any man is to injure your chance of office.

If, on the other hand, you said, that you considered Sir Robert Peel many degrees superior as a parliamentary leader to any man in the House of Commons, some excellent whig would remark, with indignation, that he was astonished you should speak in that way of a tory!

Nay; there are some who will look at me with astonishment for having observed that I think many articles in the Morning Post remarkable for their point; and that I confess

the Standard to be edited by a man of ability; -and, if in the same breath, I praise the style of the Examiner and the Register-what will be the consequence? I shall pass with half my cotemporaries for a living olla podrida of opinions.

But thank God, I say, that I can push far from me all these little and hateful considerations, as I find myself face to face with M. Thiers and M. Carrel*-the two most remarkable men in France: one the editor of the National before the revolution-one the editor of the National since the revolution;—one most probably a minister, when this sheet is printed ;— one most probably a prisoner ;-such, in the shifting scene of politics, is the fate of former friends!

M. Armand Carrel, a young officer in the

It is not necessary that one person should be the unprincipled advocate of disorder, because he is opposed to the government of Louis-Philippe, nor that another should be a base hankerer after place because he supports it. The unscrupulous abusers of M. Thiers and of M. Carrel are by me equally condemned. Indeed no curse to which a nation can be doomed, is greater than this rage for vilifying the private character of public opponents-for there is no curse so likely to wither and dry up the virtue of public men.