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for their opinions, depend upon this !—some one will furnish that organ in spite of all our penalties to prevent it.

Is not this the case at the present moment? Have we not two machines working on public opinion? (for a journal though it represents opinion, does not only represent it—it also forms it)? Have we not the opinions of the wealthiest propagated and formed by one machine which we sanction-the opinions of the poorest, by another machine which we prohibit? We have thus contrived a method to prevent extremes which propagates extremes, and instead of appealing to the intelligence of all classes, which eventually keeps the different orders of society united, we are exciting the separate passions of two classes, which will ultimately bring them into conflict.

What! the English press more violent than the French press?-my lord shakes his head.—It is true that the French press in general-addressed to a nation which a long series of events has rendered inclined towards democracy, will be, according to the ideas of a rich aristocracy, more violent than that part of the English press which is addressed to themselves. But let that aristocracy read another part of the English press-a part of the English

press which is so remote from all their views, habits, and ideas, that it would never enter into their heads to suppose that it could exist, but for the kindness of some attorney-general, who, by an untimely prosecution now and then, instructs them of the circumstance.

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For instance:

TO THE INSURGENT AGRICULTURAL LABOURERS. "You are much admired for every thing you are known "to have done during the last month; for as yet, there "is no evidence before the public that you are incendiaries or even political rebels. Much as every thoughtful man "must lament the waste of property, much as the country "must suffer by the burnings of farm produce now going "on, were you proved to be the incendiaries, we should “ defend you by saying, that you have more just and moral cause for it than any king or faction, that ever made war, had for making war.

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"A Constitutional Monarchy is hypocrisy sanctioned by law ; its terms and limits can never be legally "defined; it is a constant contest for power among fac❝tions; it is, on the part of the people, a state of conquest, or ignorant slavery; if hereditary, it is liable "to bad passion, to imbecility or to idiotcy; it is a compound of contradiction; it engenders, as it has now engendered in England, all sorts of abuses; it becomes "the government of an aristocracy; and it is, in fine and "in fact, the worst and most degrading form of govern"ment that has ever been devised for a people.

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“On the Sunday mornings and evenings, and on the Friday evenings, the service is very properly called 'divine, and is certainly the best theological service that "has yet been presented to a congregation. The character "of the Deity is vindicated on the Sunday morning, by "Mr. Carlile, against the monstrosities set up in that name by the priests and fanatics!!!—The Prompter.

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"Man rung by want, goaded by insult, duped, mad ́dened, starved, is no longer man—he is a monster !— "let them beware of the unearthly thing they have "formed! He will ravage! rage! burn! he will (as in "Ireland) adorn himself with blood!" Poor Man's Guardian.

I could then turn to a tirade in which the title, that monarchical England cheerfully pronounces, is impudently laid aside, and the sovereign abused under the somewhat plain title of "Mr. Guelph," for neglecting the interests of the people, whose liberties he was at that very moment prudently, but at the same time magnanimously, extending.

to whom

Even the illustrious Princess England owes so much for a retirement beneath which the royal hope of these countries has been discreetly reared-notwithstanding her prudent privacy, and conduct that defies reproach is attacked with vulgar and voluntary virulence; nor is there any principle, person, or authority so sacred in the eyes of these printed preachers to the people as to claim their for

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bearance or respect.* Is there danger in this? Remember-these violent absurdities are addressed to a class possessing excellent intentions, and generous sympathies, but ignorant, naturally jealous of the great, and totally without any other organ of opinion. Nay more, the journal I have been quoting from-silly as we see it, and contemptible as we may wish it to be—is written not without a certain eloquence and ability, and sold, when I last enquired, about 400 copies a week in Coventry alone; while at the very moment at which I am writing 70,000 copies are sold per week of similar unauthorized publications.

They are sold in opposition to the law—they are of course, written against the law-they are sold in spite of the wealthy classes-they are of course, written against the wealthy classes.

How can you hope for peace and harmony in the community when you cut in two the stream of opinion-when you exclude the peasant from that branch which you direct to the proprietor, and hide from the proprietor

*I will take this opportunity of observing that we have a pledge from the existing government that the cause of this nuisance shall be withdrawn at the earliest moment compatible with the necessities of the revenue. This is the first pledge of the kind we have received, and I never for my own part, deemed it a wise or worthy policy to disgust those who profess friendly intentions by manifesting a hitherto unmerited suspicion.

that branch which is flowing on to the peasant ?*

Rest assured that if there be any thing to prevent a violent convulsion among our neighbours, it is that low price of papers which allows every doctrine to enter into every home. -If there be any thing likely to bring about a convulsion among ourselves, it is that severance between the sevenpenny papers which go to the peer's breakfast table, and the twopenny papers which go to the mechanic's cottage.

There is another advantage in the French system: by making intelligence the governing principle of the press you bring into action a power which, from its very nature, is always preparing futurity :—

By making wealth the governing principle, you put into action a power which is never addressed but to the moment.

Any child told to look at the state of England, at the present moment, and to put his

* If you have a very high tax that high tax is avoided -and the press consists of two extremes. If you have a moderate tax by diminishing the advantage of disobeying the law and thereby providing for its obedience—you have a press addressing itself to a middle class, and therefore taking a moderate tone-uniting the two classes most opposed, and not separating them.

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