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journals of the bourgeoisie great and small; the Gazette and the Quotidienne* of the nobility, violent and moderate. The two first are the advocates of the government of Louis Philippe, more or less devotedly :-the two last are the advocates of Henry V, and the fallen dynasty, but with equal distinctions.
I am now about to speak of a paper, remarkable before and since the revolution for its talent, and which differs essentially
* This paper, formerly directed by M. Laurentie, whose monarchical and religious talent had passed into a proverb, has lately been deserted by that gentleman, and is at the present time, I believe, conducted by M. de Brian, a gentleman of high reputation. M. Netman is one of its ablest writers, and every Monday there appears from his pen one of those political articles, half-serious and half-gay, which have in France such success.
The literary and dramatic part of the Quotidienne is conducted by M. Merle, formerly Director of the Porte St. Martin, at Paris, and secretary to M. de Bourmont in his expedition to Algiers. This part of the paper is usually written not with very great ability, but in an enlightened spirit. M. de Balzac, the popular romance writer of the day, is frequently a contributor.
from any I have yet named, in respect to its opinions.
I mean the National.
There is this satisfaction, thank God, in speaking of a foreign country, that one is not only free, but even supposed to be free from all party influences and personal affections.
If in speaking of England, you were to say— that it will be difficult for any ministry, not containing Lord Durham, to satisfy the country, which has been won as well by his bold spirit as by his practical intelligence: if, in speaking of England, you were to say this—some time serving clerk would remark, that to attach yourself to any man is to injure your chance of office.
If, on the other hand, you said, that you considered Sir Robert Peel many degrees superior as a parliamentary leader to any man in the House of Commons, some excellent whig would remark, with indignation, that he was astonished you should speak in that way of a tory!
Nay; there are some who will look at me with astonishment for having observed that I think many articles in the Morning Post remarkable for their point; and that I confess
the Standard to be edited by a man of ability; —and, if in the same breath, I praise the style of the Examiner and the Register-what will be the consequence? I shall pass with half my cotemporaries for a living olla podrida of opinions.
But thank God, I say, that I can push far from me all these little and hateful considerations, as I find myself face to face with M. Thiers and M. Carrel*-the two most remarkable men in France: one the editor of the National before the revolution-one the editor of the National since the revolution;-one most probably a minister, when this sheet is printed;one most probably a prisoner;-such, in the shifting scene of politics, is the fate of former friends!
M. Armand Carrel, a young officer in the
It is not necessary that one person should be the unprincipled advocate of disorder, because he is opposed to the government of Louis-Philippe, nor that another should be a base hankerer after place because he supports it. The unscrupulous abusers of M. Thiers and of M. Carrel are by me equally condemned. Indeed no curse to which a nation can be doomed, is greater than this rage for vilifying the private character of public opponents-for there is no curse so likely to wither and dry up the virtue of public men.
French army, when in 1823 it entered Spain, went over to the Spanish constitutionalists, and was condemned to death by a council of war at Perpignan. This decree, however, was revised by a council of war at Toulouse, and M. Carrel, owing it is said, to the private friendship of some of the judges, was acquitted. Upon this M. Carrel came to Paris, and engaged in the conduct of " the American Review," a publication now extinct, and which in its title explains the principles that this young man then entertained, and has since announced with so remarkable a talent. tall, and handsome, with a countenance agreeable but severe, and manners somewhat haughty and brusque, with the air rather of a man of war than a man of letters, M. Carrel is a singular exemplification of the great extension of that military influence to which I elsewhere alluded, and which distinguishes the journalist of France from any of his literary contempo
In correspondence with his person, M. Carrel's style is stern and simple, but there is an ardour and a glow in that simplicity, which affects you the more deeply from its total freedom from affectation. M. Carrel makes no secret of his republicanism, and
dreams of placing the constitution of the United-States, taken from the weird banks of the St. Laurence, and the strange mountains of Pensylvania, amidst the manners of the Champs-Elysées and the Boulevards.
Of all visions this is the most virtuous and the most wild. If France arrive at a republic it neither will nor can be the republic of America.
You cannot blot out the history, nor change the character, nor alter the situation of a country. And the history of France, and the character of France, and the situation of France, are all different from the history, and the character, and the situation of America. Tell me the constitution of America suits the people of America, and you tell me that it does not suit the people of France !—If a republic take place in France, it will be a military and a literary republic, as that of America is destined to be a peaceful and a commercial one.
But though I differ from the opinions, I admire the character of this honest and remarkable man.*
* Up to the time of its too boldly hoisting the republican flag, the National was frequently honored by contributions from the able pen of M. Odillon Barrot; M.