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Such is the melancholy result of this illegal and ill-fated expedition. Thus, thoughtless young men have been induced, by false and fraudulent representations, to violate the law of their country, through rash and unfounded expectations of assisting to accomplish political revolutions in other States, and have lost their lives in the undertaking. Too severe a judgment can hardly be passed by the indignant sense of the community upon those who, being better informed themselves, have yet led away the ardour of youth and an ill-directed love of political liberty. The correspondence between this Government and that of Spain relating to this transaction is herewith communicated.

Although these offenders against the laws have forfeited the protection of their country, yet the Government may, so far as is consistent with its obligations to other countries, and its fixed purpose to maintain and enforce the laws, entertain sympathy for their unoffending families and friends, as well as a feeling of compassion for themselves. Accordingly no proper effort has been spared, and none will be spared, to procure the release of such citizens of The United States engaged in this unlawful enterprize as are now in confinement in Spain; but it is to be hoped that such interposition with the Government of that country may not be considered as affording any ground of expectation that the Government of The United States will, hereafter, feel itself under any obligation of duty to intercede for the liberation or pardon of such persons as are flagrant offenders against the law of nations and the laws of The United States. These laws must be executed. If we desire to maintain our respectability among the nations of the earth, it behoves us to enforce steadily and sternly the neutrality Acts passed by Congress, and to follow, as far as may be, the violation of those Acts with condign punishment.

But what gives a peculiar criminality to this invasion of Cuba, is, that under the lead of Spanish subjects and with the aid of citizens of The United States, it had its origin, with many, in motives of cupidity. Money was advanced by individuals, probably in considerable amounts, to purchase Cuban bonds, as they have been called, issued by Lopez, sold, doubtless, at a very large discount, and for the payment of which the public lands and public property of Cuba, of whatever kind, and the fiscal resources of the people and Government of that island, from whatever source to be derived, were pledged, as well as the good faith of the Government expected to be established. All these means of payment, it is evident, were only to be obtained by a process of bloodshed, war, and revolution. None will deny that those who set on foot military expeditions against foreign States by means like these, are far more culpable than the ignorant and the necessitous whom they induce to go forth as the

ostensible parties in the proceeding. These originators of the invasion of Cuba seem to have determined, with coolness and system, upon an undertaking which should disgrace their country, violate its laws, and put to hazard the lives of ill-informed and deluded men. You will consider whether further legislation be necessary to prevent the perpetration of such offences in future.

No individuals have a right to hazard the peace of the country, or to violate its laws, upon vague notions of altering or reforming Governments in other States. This principle is not only reasonable in itself, and in accordance with public law, but is engrafted into the codes of other nations as well as our own. But while such are the sentiments of this Government, it may be added that every independent nation must be presumed to be able to defend its possessions against unauthorized individuals banded together to attack them. The Government of The United States, at all times since its establishment, has abstained, and has sought to restrain the citizens of the country from entering into controversies between other powers, and to observe all the duties of neutrality. At an early period of the Government, in the administration of Washington, several laws were passed for this purpose. The main provisions of these laws were re-enacted by the Act of April, 1818, by which, among other things, it was declared that if any person shall, within the territory or jurisdiction of The United States, begin, or set on foot, or provide, or prepare the means for any military expedition or enterprise to be carried on from thence against the territory or dominion of any foreign Prince or State, or of any colony, district, or people with whom The United States are at peace, every person so offending shall be deemed guilty of a high misdemeanour, and shall be fined not exceeding 3,000 dollars, and imprisoned not more than 3 years; and this law has been executed and enforced, to the full extent of the power of the Government, from that day to this.

In proclaiming and adhering to the doctrine of neutrality and nonintervention, The United States have not followed the lead of other civilized nations; they have taken the lead themselves, and have been followed by others. This was admitted by one of the most eminent of modern British statesmen, who said in Parliament, while a member of the Crown, "that if he wished for a guide in a system of neutrality, he should take that laid down by America in the days of Washington and the Secretaryship of Jefferson;" and we see, in fact, that the Act of Congress of 1818 was followed, the succeeding year, by an Act of the Parliament of England, substantially the same in its general provisions. Up to that time there had been no similar law in England, except certain highly penal statutes passed in the reign of George II., prohibiting English subjects from enlisting in foreign service, the avowed object of which statute was, that

foreign armies, raised for the purpose of restoring the house of Stuart to the throne, should not be strengthened by recruits from England herself.

All must see that difficulties may arise in carrying the laws referred to into execution in a country now having 3,000 or 4,000 miles of sea-coast, with an infinite number of ports and harbours and small inlets, from some of which unlawful expeditions may suddenly set forth, without the knowledge of Government, against the possessions of foreign States.

Friendly relations with all, but entangling alliances with none, has long been a maxim with us. Our true mission is not to propagate our opinions, or impose upon other countries our form of Government, by artifice or force; but to teach by example, and show by our success, moderation, and justice, the blessings of selfgovernment, and the advantages of free institutions. Let every people choose for itself, and make and alter its political institutions to suit its own condition and convenience. But, while we avow and maintain this neutral policy ourselves, we are anxious to see the same forbearance on the part of other nations, whose forms of Government are different from our own. The deep interest which we feel in the spread of liberal principles and the establishment of free Governments, and the sympathy with which we witness every struggle against oppression, forbid that we should be indifferent to a case in which the strong arm of a foreign power is invoked to stifle public sentiment and repress the spirit of freedom in any country.

The Governments of Great Britain and France have issued orders to their naval commanders on the West India station to prevent by force, if necessary, the landing of adventurers from any nation on the Island of Cuba with hostile intent. The copy of a memorandum of a conversation on this subject between the Chargé d'Affaires of Her Britannic Majesty, and the Acting Secretary of State, and of a subsequent note of the former to the Department of State, are herewith submitted, together with a copy of a note of the Acting Secretary of State to the Minister of the French Republic, and of the reply of the latter on the same subject. These papers will acquaint you with the grounds of this interposition of the 2 leading commercial Powers of Europe, and with the apprehensions, which this Government could not fail to entertain, that such interposition, if carried into effect, might lead to abuses in derogation of the maritime rights of The United States. The maritime rights of The United States are founded on a firm, secure, and well-defined basis; they stand upon the ground of national independence and public law, and will be maintained in all their full and just extent.

The principle which this Government has heretofore solemnly announced it still adheres to, and will maintain under all circum

stances and at all hazards. That principle is, that in every regularly documented merchant vessel, the crew who navigate it, and those on board of it, will find their protection in the flag which is over them. No American ship can be allowed to be visited or searched for the purpose of ascertaining the character of individuals on board, nor can there be allowed any watch by the vessels of any foreign nation, over American vessels on the coast of The United States or the seas adjacent thereto. It will be seen by the last communication from the British Chargé d'Affaires to the Department of State, that he is authorized to assure the Secretary of State that every care will be taken that, in executing the preventive measure against the expeditions which The United States Government itself has denounced as not being entitled to the protection of any Government, no interference shall take place with the lawful commerce of any nation.

In addition to the correspondence on this subject, herewith submitted, official information has been received at the Department of State of assurances by the French Government that, in the orders given to the French naval forces, they were expressly instructed, in any operations they might engage in, to respect the flag of The United States wherever it might appear, and to commit no act of hostility upon any vessel or armament under its protection.

Ministers and Consuls of foreign nations are the means and agents of communication between us and those nations, and it is of the utmost importance that, while residing in the country, they should feel a perfect security so long as they faithfully discharge their respective duties and are guilty of no violation of our laws, This is the admitted law of nations, and no country has a deeper interest in maintaining it than The United States. Our commerce spreads over every sea and visits every clime, and our Ministers and Consuls are appointed to protect the interests of that commerce, as well as to guard the peace of the country and maintain the honour of its flag. But how can they discharge these duties unless they be themselves protected? and, if protected, it must be by the laws of the country in which they reside. And what is due to our own public functionaries residing in foreign nations, is exactly the measure of what is due to the functionaries of other Governments residing here. As in war the bearers of flags of truce are sacred, or else wars would be interminable; so in peace, ambassadors, public ministers and consuls, charged with friendly national intercourse, are objects of especial respect and protection, each according to the rights belonging to his rank and station. In view of these important principles, it is with deep mortification and regret I announce to you that, during the excitement growing out of the executions at Havana, the office of Her Catholic Majesty's Consul at New Orleans was

assailed by a mob, his property destroyed, the Spanish flag found in the office carried off and torn in pieces, and he himself induced to flee for his personal safety, which he supposed to be in danger. On receiving intelligence of these events, I forthwith directed the Attorney of The United States residing at New Orleans to inquire into the facts and the extent of the pecuniary loss sustained by the Consul, with the intention of laying them before you, that you might make provision for such indemnity to him as a just regard for the honour of the nation and the respect which is due to a friendly Power might, in your judgment, seem to require. The correspondence upon this subject between the Secretary of State and Her Catholic Majesty's Minister Plenipotentiary is herewith transmitted.

The occurrence at New Orleans has led me to give my attention to the state of our laws in regard to foreign Ambassadors, Ministers, and Consuls. I think the legislation of the country is deficient in not providing sufficiently either for the protection or the punishment of Consuls. I therefore recommend the subject to the consideration of Congress.

Your attention is again invited to the question of reciprocal trade between The United States and Canada and other British possessions near our frontier. Overtures for a Convention upon this subject have been received from Her Britannic Majesty's Minister Plenipotentiary, but it seems to be in many respects preferable that the matter should be regulated by reciprocal legislation. Documents are laid before you showing the terms which the British Government is willing to offer, and the measures which it may adopt, if some arrangement upon this subject shall not be made.

From the accompanying copy of a note from the British Legation at Washington, and the reply of the Department of State thereto, it will appear that Her Britannic Majesty's Government is desirous that a part of the boundary line between Oregon and the British possessions should be authoritatively marked out, and that an intention was expressed to apply to Congress for an appropriation to defray the expense thereof on the part of The United States. Your attention to this subject is accordingly invited, and a proper appropriation recommended.

A Convention for the adjustment of claims of citizens of The United States against Portugal has been concluded, and the ratifications have been exchanged. The first instalment of the amount to be paid by Portugal fell due on the 30th of September last, and has been paid.

The President of the French Republic, according to the provisions of the Convention, has been selected as arbiter in the case of the General Armstrong, and has signified that he accepts the trust, and the high satisfaction he feels in acting as the common friend of 2

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