striking back-ground to the portrait of the philosophic minister, whose lips teemed with eloquence, and whose mind was stored with all the riches of the most intellectual society. The looks of my friends, as they wandered from the window to the moderator, sufficiently told me what was passing within their breasts; and they did not escape the notice of M. Vertu, who watched with an inquiring eye, to observe what impression the aged moderator of his church would make upon the strangers. Holding him in the utmost reverence himself, he was all anxiety that we should do the same; and could not disguise his feelings of delight at every mark of respect, which we paid to the sacred representative of this primitive Christian community.

The seven following chapters contain the sequel of the excursion, interwoven with references to the former history of this remarkable community, and with traditionary tales illustrative of the martial spirit displayed by them, whenever their religious independence has been threatened. These digressions from the immediate topics of a personal narrative are so managed, as not to interrupt the continuity of it, and are principally admitted in the shape of conversations held with the natives, or of legendary anecdotes associated with the scenes that are explored. The twelfth chapter draws a parallel between Pagan mythology and Popish superstition, which must have cost the author many a weary hour of indefatigable research; and the thirteenth or last, after entering into general observations to show, that the Waldeuses of Piemont maintained the primitive faith uncorrupt, while the Albigenses, or those sects of other countries who were called Waldenses, were forced by adverse circumstances to depart from it, concludes with an appeal to the justice and generosity of the British nation to render that pecuniary assistance to this aggrieved and suffering community, which our forefathers were never backward in supplying.

The Appendix occupies a large proportion of the volume, but is very essential to the work, as making it a more complete book of reference, than tourists' volumes usually are. Some of the documents are as curious, as they are new, even to the more erudite order of readers. Indeed, whether we consider the amusement or instruction contained in this work, we think it deserving a place on the shelves of private as well as public libraries.

The Latin letters of Cromwell, addressed to the Potentates of Europe in 1665, which are given in Appendix No. 8, will be read with great interest, not only as displaying the spirit and earnestness with which the Protector espoused the cause of this oppressed people, but as being the composition of the Poet Milton. We select one of them with the author's translation.

SECOND LETTER TO THE KING OF FRANCE.

Serenissime potentissimeque Rex,

Ex literis majestatis vestræ, quibus illa ad meas quinto et vigesimo Maii proximi datas rescribit, facile intelligo nequaquam fefellisse me eam opinionem, qua mihi quidem persuasum erat, cædes illas immanissimas, barbaramque eorum hominum stragem, qui Religionem Reformatam in Sabaudia profitentur, a cohortibus quibusdam vestris factam, neque jussu vestro neque mandato accidisse. Quæ quantum majestati vestræ displicuerit, id vos, et vestris militum tribunis, qui hæc tam inhumana suo solo impetu injussi perpetraverant, ita mature significasse, deque tanta crudelitate Ducem ipsum Sabaudiæ monuisse, pro reducendis denique istis miseris exulibus unde pulsi sunt, vestram omnem gratiam, necessitudinem, authoritatem tanta cum fide atque humanitate interposuisse, majorem equidem in modum sum lætatus. Ea nempe spes erat, illum principem voluntati ac precibus majestatis vestræ aliquid saltem hac in re fuisse concessurum. Verum cum neque vestro, neque aliorum principum rogatu atque instantia in miserorum causa quicquam esse impetratum perspiciam, haud alienum ab officio meo duxi, ut hunc nobilem virum extraordinarii nostri commissarii munere instructum ad Allobrogum Ducem mitterem; qui tantæ crudelitatis in ejusdem nobiscum religionis cultores, idque ipsius religionis odio adhibitæ quo sensu afficiar, uberius eidem exponat. Atque hujus quidem legationis eo feliciorem exitum speravero, si adhibere denuo et adhuc majore cum instantia suam auctoritatem atque operam majestati vestræ placuerit; et quemadmodum fideles fore illos inopes dictoque audientes principi suo ipsa in se recepit, ita velit eorundem incolumitati atque saluti cavere, ne quid iis hujusmodi injuriæ et calamitatis atrocissimæ innocentibus et pacatis deinceps inferatur. Hoc, cum in se justum ac vere regium sit, nec non benignitati vestræ atque clementiæ, quæ tot subditos vestro eandem illam religionem sequentes ubique salvos et incolumes præstat, summe consentaneum, a majestate vestra, ut par est, non possumus quin expectemus. Quæ hac simul opera, cum universos per sua regna Protestantes, quorum studium erga vos summaque fides maximis in rebus perspecta jam sæpe et cognita est, arctius sibi devinxerit, tum exteris etiam omnibus persuasum reddiderit, nihil ad hoc facinus contulisse regis consilium, quicquid ministri regii atque præfecti contulerunt. Præsertim si majestas vestra pænas ab iis ducibus ac ministris debitas repetiverit, qui auctoritate propria, suaque pro libidine tam immania patrare scelera sunt ausi. Interea cum majestas vestra factum hoc inhumanissimum, quo dignum est odio, aversari se testetur, non dubito quin miseris illis atque ærumnosis ad vos confugientibus, tutissimum in regno suo receptum atque perfugium sit præbitura; nec subditorum suorum cuiquam, ut contra eos Duci Allobrogum auxilio adsit, permissura. Extremum illud est, ut majestatem vestram, quanti apud me sua amicitia sit, certiorem faciam: cujus rei neque fidem neque fructum ullo tempore defuturum confirmo.

Dat. ex aula nostra Westmonasterii, 31 Julii, 1655.

Translation.

Most serene and most potent King,

-1 am happy to understand, from your majesty's letter, in answer to

mine of the 25th of May last, that I was not wrong in the opinion, that those most cruel murders, and barbarous massacre committed by certain troops of yours upon the professors of the reformed religion in Savoy, had neither your command nor authority. I am also extremely rejoiced to find, that your majesty has signified your strong disapprobation to your military commanders, who took upon themselves to perpetrate such atrocities without your orders; and that you have remonstrated with the Duke of Savoy upon the subject of such monstrous cruelty, and have interposed your influence and good offices with so much humanity and earnestness, for the restoration of those unhappy exiles. I did hope that that prince would have conceded something to the intercession of your majesty; but since neither your mediation, nor that of the other sovereigns and states, have been of any avail in their favor, I have thought it my imperative duty to send an ambassador extraordinary to the duke, to give a full explanation of my sentiments, in regard to his excessive cruelty towards the professors of the same religion with ourselves, on no other account but their religion. And in order to promote the success of this mission, I trust your majesty will be pleased to renew your remonstrances, and to give them greater weight than before: and as your majesty has already declared yourself responsible for the fidelity of these poor people to their prince, so you will now take upon yourself to guarantee their security and protection, that a repetition of such inhuman cruelty may not be inflicted upon them again. We cannot but expect this from your majesty, as being nothing but a just and royal proceeding, and perfectly consistent with the benignity and clemency, with which you have watched over the safety and welfare of so many of your subjects, who profess the same religion. By such an act, you will conciliate the affections of all the Protestants throughout your kingdom, who have given you so many proofs of their loyalty and attachment; and you will satisfy those of foreign nations, that you are not implicated in this iniquity, however much your ministers of state, and commanders, may be: more especially if your majesty will punish those ministers and commanders, who have presumed, upon their own authority, and out of their own malignity, to commit such monstrous atrocities. In the mean time, since your majesty disavows this most inhuman and detestable policy, Í am confident you will give shelter and protection to such of the distressed refugees, as shall fly into your dominions for an asylum, and will not suffer any of your own subjects to assist the Duke of Savoy against them. It remains for me to assure your majesty of the value I set upon your friendship, and of my readiness, at all times, to give proof of the sincerity of my respect.

Given at our court at Westminster, July 31, 1655.

161

NOTICE OF

Travels in Persia and other Countries of the East, by SIR W. OUSELEY, Knt., 3 vols. 4to.

Books of Travels are the prevailing taste of the day, yet the utility thence accruing to general literature is, by no means, in proportion with their number or size. The chief fault in modern travels consists in the manifest compilations from preceding travellers which they contain, and the want of research as to the ancient history, manners, and customs of the countries visited. This fault, however, we cannot impute to the writer now before us. On the contrary, he has done more to elucidate ancient geography and antiquarian studies, than any who have preceded him in the same tract: adding to an intimate acquaintance with Oriental literature a critical knowlege of the classics, he entered on his task better qualified for it than the majority of Eastern scholars, and has certainly accomplished it with greater success, and more benefit to the cause of science and philology, than the generality of travellers..

Sir William Ouseley left England in the capacity of private secretary to his brother Sir Gore Ouseley, his Majesty's embassador and plenipotentiary at the court of Persia. In illustration of each place which he visited, he has furnished us with copious extracts of Eastern Mss. concerning their produce, peculiarities, legends, and geography, and has inserted many valuable remarks on the accurate pronunciation of the Persian language.

His dissertation on Ceylon is particularly interesting and curious. Bochart imagined it to have been the Ophir of sacred Scripture, (Phaleg. 1. ii. c. 27.) concerning which Sir William writes:

Whether Ceylon was the Ophir of Jewish History has been disputed by many ingenious Europeans. The Arabian and Persian writers, whose works have fallen into my hands, seem unacquainted with the triennial navigation of Solomon's fleet, and do not offer, amidst the numerous traditions which they preserve concerning that mighty sovereign, any confirmation of Bochart's opinion, nor indeed of the conjectures made by other antiquaries. Yet the Garshasp-Namah, a Persian poem of the tenth or eleventh century (for Asedi, who composed it, lived in both), records an extraordinary naval expedition undertaken against the vassal king of Ceylon, at the command of a powerful monarch, appearing from certain coincidences noticed by Eastern authors, as the contemporary of Solomon, and in respect to local habitation, nearly identified with that most sapient of men, his palace being at Jerusalem.— Meanwhile, it is unequivocally stated, that after the monarch at JerusaVOL. XXX. Cl. JI. NO. LIX. Ꮮ

lem had provided ships and troops, one year and six months had elapsed from the commencement of this expedition, until Garshasp, the general, finally disembarked them at the place of his destination; and with due acknowlegments of pious gratitude towards God, prepared to attack the sixteen thousand war elephants, and the two millions of soldiers, which Bahu "the Ceylon king," or Serandib-Shah, had assembled within a distance of two days' march. I shall remark, that the three years, which Solomon's servants going and returning employed on their Ophirian voyage, is a space of time exactly agreeing with the one year and six months assigned for Garshasp's expedition to Ceylon.

Several treatises have been written on the Ophirian voyage, some of which have been collected by Ugolini, and by Ikenius; Michaëlis, likewise, indulged in conjectural speculations on the subject, but no disquisition so closely approximating itself to the scriptural history has been offered, as this, which we have cited. The notes are peculiarly valuable, showing the contemporary date of Solomon and Jemshid, which from the confusion of their characters by Eastern writers, appears very probable. Zohak () dethroned Jemshid, who is mentioned as the builder of the "forty spires" (or Je) and hall of the thousand columns (or) at Persepolis. This Zohak is said to have holden his court at the, or palace at Jerusalem, when Mahraje (4) the sovereign paramount in India, ́although Zohak's tributary, requested his aid to chastise "a rebellious prince, on whom he had bestowed the government of Ceylon." In consequence of which request, the naval expedition is said to have been sent there by Asedi. There are two verses in the Shábnámah, which record the first naval expedition to have taken place in the days of Jemshid.

If this event had no relation to Solomon's expedition, it is an inexplicable circumstance, that Jerusalem should be connected with its history. Asedi speaking of Garshasp's route, in verses cited in the note, says,

بدزهخت کنک آمد از راه شام که خوانیش بيت المقدس بنام انکه که ضحاک شد پادشاه در

خواند آن خانه را ایلیا همي

"He came by way of Syria to Dez Hukht Gang, which is also called the Holy House (Jerusalem); but, at the time, when Zohak reigned, it was called Ælia." This quotation is conclusive, because Jerusalem was called Ælia, after Hadrian Ælius: and as the Persian poets were little solicitous about the dates of