guarantied by France, and the particular loans of France, as also the paragraph respecting the letter of Monsieur Le Grand to Mr. Franklin, and the letter of Mr. Adams, be transmitted to the several Executives, and that they be requested to lay them before their respective legislatures, for their information upon the subjects which they treat, under injunctions of secrecy." Sir, FROM JOHN ADAMS TO JOHN JAY. Anteuil near Paris, December 15, 1784. I venture to address myself to you as Minister of Foreign Affairs, because I sincerely hope that you have accepted that important office. The Emperor of Morocco sent an ambassador last winter to Holland to demand materials for some frigates, and as none of the great maritime powers have the courage or the will to refuse such requisitions, obtained them. It now appears probable that they have been employed in corsairs against American trade, and one Virginia vessel appears to have been taken and carried to Tangier. This has spread an alarm, and raised the insurance on American vessels, and rendered it necessary that something should be soon done. There is danger of our making mistakes upon this occasion. Some are of opinion that our trade in the Mediterranean is not worth the expense of the presents we must make the piratical states, to obtain treaties with them. Others think it humiliating to treat with such enemies of the human race, and that it would be more manly to fight them. The first, I think, have not calculated the value of our Mediterranean trade, in which every one of our States is deeply interested; but this is not all, the piratical corsairs will go all over the ocean, and will even raise the insurance upon all our commerce so high, as to cost us more in this single article, than all the presents exacted would amount to. The last have more spirit than prudence, as long as France, England, Holland, the Emperor, &c. will submit to be tributary to these robbers and even encourage them, to what purpose should we make war upon them; the resolution might be heroic, but would not be wise. The contest would be unequal. They can injure us very sensibly, but we cannot hurt them in the smallest degree. We have or shall have a rich trade at sea exposed to their depredations, they have none at all, upon which we can make reprisals. If we take a vessel of theirs, we get nothing but a bad vessel fit only to burn, a few guns and a few barbarians, whom we may hang or enslave if we will, and the unfeeling tyrants, whose subjects they are, will think no more of it, than if we had killed so many caterpillars upon an apple tree. When they take a vessel of ours, they not only get a rich prize, but they enslave the men, and if there are among them men of any rank or note, they demand most exorbitant ransoms for them. If we could even send a force sufficient to burn a town, their unfeeling governors would only insult and deride. Unless it were possible then to persuade the great maritime powers of Europe to unite in the suppression of these piracies, it would be very imprudent for us to entertain any thoughts of contending with them, and will only lay a foundation, (by irritating their passions and increasing their insolence and their demands) for long and severe repentance. I hope, therefore, we shall think of nothing but treating with them. But how! where is the money? France calls upon us to fulfil our engagements with her, both for interest and principal, and our creditors in Holland, who are very numerous will soon be uneasy, unless something is done for their security. Holland is the only place where we can borrow money, and there it will be impracticable, unless our European debt at least be consolidated. If Congress, therefore, think of borrowing in Holland, they must begin by laying duties at home to pay the in terest. I have not time to enlarge at present on any subject. This is the most pressing and deserves the immediate attention of Congress and their Ministers, of whom I hope you are one, as I am very sure no man is better qualified or better disposed, but if unfortunately you should not be in office, let me pray you to transmit the substance of this letter to Congress. With great and sincere respect, &c. JOHN ADAMS. FROM JOHN ADAMS TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Sir, Anteuil, near Paris, I have the satisfaction to inform Congress, that by a letter from our bankers in Amsterdam, I am informed they have in hand near a million of guilders, and conVOL. II-20 sequently that the two loans I have opened, amounting in the whole to seven millions of guilders, are almost full; this is a full proof of an amelioration of our credit, since January 1784, when I was obliged, in a very tender state of convalescence, and an uncommonly rigorous season, to undergo the hardships and dangers of a voyage and journey in packet boats, ice boats, and boors' waggons, to obtain money to save Mr. Morris's bills from being protested. This is a very fortunate circumstance for us at this time, both as it furnishes us the means of treating with the Barbary powers, if Congress should authorize us to make the necessary presents, upon which points we wait their instructions, and as it will enable Congress to pay the interest of their debt to France. Four letters upon the subject of this interest, have been communicated to his colleagues, by Doctor Franklin, one from the Count De Vergennes, and three from M. Grand, and no doubt transmitted to Congress. Doctor Franklin has sounded me several times, to know if I was willing to pay the salaries of Ministers, and Mr. Carmichael's salary, Mr. Dumas' salary, and Colonel Humphreys'; in short, there is no money in Europe at present, but what has been obtained in Holland by my signature, and is supposed to be under my inspection; I shall, therefore, be very soon embarrassed, as there will be many applications to me for money, and I shall not dare to advance it without orders; I therefore pray for the explicit instructions of Congress upon this subject. Your Ministers in Europe must not starve on the one hand, and I must not on the other presume to appropriate money unappropriated by Congress, without necessity. If it should be the pleasure of Congress, that I should draw for necessary moneys upon the certificate of their Ministers here, or that they should draw upon my bankers in Amsterdam, this would relieve me from a great anxiety; at all events, it is absolutely necessary that Congress should communicate to me their commands. I wish also to know, whether it is the expectation of Congress that I should open a new loan, as one of the old ones is full, and the other very near it. I confess it grieves me to put my hand to an obligation, as it always brings home to my heart the reflection that I am burthening the industry and labor of my fellow citizens and countrymen with a heavy load, and when demands are laid before me for millions of livres, for interest already due, I cannot help wishing that I might never have occasion to sign another obligation. It will, nevertheless, be absolutely necessary, as I believe, to borrow somewhat more; but it behoves the people to consider the necessity they are under, of exerting themselves in season to provide for the payment of their foreign debt, and especially to avoid as much as possible the necessity of increasing it. They will find it very impoverishing to send annually out of their country, such large sums for the payment of interest, an enormous bulk of the produce of the country must go to make up these sums, and we shall find the drain very exhausting to our patience, if not to our strength. With great respect, &c. JOHN ADAMS. |