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" and I will now let them see that it was "the general discharge of his duties as "not for my office, but for my honour, that "Commander in Chief, it is observed with "I made a stand." But, the fact was "the deepest regret, that in consequence otherwise; the proceedings were not over; "of a connection the most immoral and there was Mr. Bragge's motion for Mon- unbecoming, a communication on offiday, and it was almost reduced to a cer- "cial subjects, and an interference in the tainty, that that motion, after the passing" distribution of Military Appointments of which he could not have remained in "and Promotions has been allowed to office, without an open rupture between "exist, which could not but lead to disthe advisers of the King and a majority of "credit the official administration of his Royal the House, would have been carried by a Highness, and to give colour and effect, as decided majority. These were the cir- "they have actually done, to transactions the cumstances, then, under which he resigned. "most criminal and disgraceful.” —— To So, the occasion has been a "distress- this motion LORD ALTHORPE moved an "ing" one, has it? This does not corres- Amendment, after a speech which is too pond well with the bold language, as- good not to be inserted here as far as, at sumed, in his name, by Mr. Adam and present, I am in possession of it. This Mr. Perceval, when the charges were first conduct in Lord Althorpe, Lord Milton, made. There was, then, a great show of Mr. Lyttleton, Lord Folkestone, and several hackle; there was nothing, amongst his other young men of distinguished families, partizans, but strutting and crowing. They must give great hope to the country. He were a main, against one cock; but, they said: "That there were one or two positions have turned tail, and that, too, upon their "advanced by the right hon. gent. who own dunghill. Distressing occasion;" "had just sat down, in which he could not well, then, the Duke knows, at last, what entirely concur. With regard to the reit is to feel distress himself. "Distressing "gret of the right hon. gent. for the resig "occasion!" One cannot help hanging "nation of the Duke of York, he admitted upon the words. There was nothing of "that it was a great loss to lose the serthis in the Letter to the House. Alas! I "vices of those who had while in office see very little of firmness here.- -The "efficiently discharged their duty, but the expressions of attachment to the King have "loss of the services of the Duke of York no harm in them, to be sure; but, I do "was considerably lessened, when they not see the use of them, upon an occasion "recollected in what manner it had been like this. No one had ever, that I know "proved at their bar that Royal Duke of, accused the Duke of a want of attach- "discharged his duty. He differed also ment to his father. It was of a want of" from that right hon. gent. as to the great attachment to the public good, that he was "use and importance he thought proper (with what truth the reader may decide)" to attach to the elevated rank of that ilaccused; and, in this statement of reasons, "lustrious person. He (Lord Althorpe) one might, without being very unreason. "was rather disposed to think that such able; without entertaining any wish to see "high rank and affinity to the throne were a member of the royal family degrade "not the most recommendatory qualifihimself in the eyes of the world, have "cations for the most reponsible situation expected to meet with some expression of "under the crown, and he appealed to gratitude towards that public. To his Ma- "those who heard him, if, in the course of jesty, both as father and sovereign, he says "the late proceedings, their debates were he owes every thing. I do not wish to strain "not, in some degree, influenced by conthis sentence to mean, that he owes the pub-"siderations of delicacy, inseparable from lic nothing; but, when I recollect how "any discussion, involving the character much he owes to that public; that good-" and honour of one so near his majesty; natured, that generous public, I cannot say but I think that the public should not, in a paper like this, have been wholly omitted.

MR. BRAGGE, after a speech of some length, in which there was nothing worthy of our particular notice, made his motion in the following words :- That while "this House acknowledges the beneficent "effects of the regulations adopted and "acted upon by his Royal Highness in

"and therefore, it did appear to him to be "of the greatest importance that no person "should ever, for the future, be called to "such high situations but such as could be "completely reponsible. Another asser"tion of the right hon. gent. went to the "total acquittal of the Duke of York, as "to corruption or connivance. It was not "necessary now, perhaps, to go into this, "but as it was mentioned, he would state, "that he did think the Duke of York had

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quite sufficient. The sentence, in common language, says this, "we do not think it

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to be. This would be a pretty doctrine indeed; a pretty distinction between the service of the public and the service of an individual. The paper, which I have just mentioned, and which is, I believe, the only one in all England that has had the barefaced profligacy to justify all the acts of the Duke of York, says he has been "severely punished;" forgetting, apparently, the other column of its dirty sheet, in which it contends, that the Duke's resignation was perfectly voluntary, and that he had no desire to retain his office. A bad cause or a bad memory is, either of them, bad enough; but when they unite they are sure to make a most ridiculous figure.

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"been proved guilty of connivance at the corrupt practices which had taken place; "and if his royal highness had continued necessary to go on any further, because "in office, he thought that the House must "the Duke has resigned.' NOW could "have gone farther, and passed a sentence hardly be intended to mean, that it was 66 upon him that would have rendered his meant to keep the thing in waiting, to see "resignation unavoidable. With regard whether he again took the command. "to their subsequent proceedings, he was it was, it was useless; because, proceedof opinion, that the question stood in a ings can be adopted in such a case, and "state in which the House of Commons reference can be made to all the evidence, "ought not to suffer it to remain. He which has now been taken at the bar. Not "wished to place it on the Journals, that that I, either, would be understood to in"the Duke of York had resigned. This sinuate, that loss of office is to be regarded "notification would give consistency to as "constitutional punishment," as the Na"the entire character of their proceed-bob's Gazette would fain make us believe it "ings, and bring it to its proper close, "at the same time satisfactorily accoun"ting why it was closed. Not, however, that he would be understood to say that he considered removal from "office a constitutional punishment; but "it would be in this case so far effective, as "to preclude the possibility of that Royal "Duke being ever re-appointed to a situa-" "tion he has proved himself so incompetent "to fill. No man can, or ought to hold that important situation, who was not in full possession of the confidence of the county. The Duke of York has forfeited that confidence. He has lost the confidence of "the country for ever, and by consequence he must abandon all hopes of ever again returning to that situation. This was a “severe lesson, but it was as salutaty as it was severe; it would prove to all who may succeed that royal Duke hereafter, "that it is not within the power of any sovereign, however beloved or confided "in, to protect his most favoured servant "from the just consequences of the maladministration of his public duty. The "noble lord then concluded with moving, "That his royal highness the Duke of "York having resigned the command of "the Army, that house did not now think "it necessary to proceed any farther in "the consideration of the evidence before "the Committee appointed to inquire "into the conduct of his royal highness, "as far as that evidence related to his royal highness the Duke of York.""

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Mr. Whitbread, during this debate, charged Mr. Perceval with having deserted the Duke; this the latter denied, asserting, that the Duke's resignation was his own "spontaneous motion." But, let any one look at the Address, prepared by Mr. Perceval, and read to the house, in the first day's debate; let him look at that address, which was little more than an echo of the Duke's Letter to the house, and then say if there has not been desertion. The public must have observed, that Mr. Perceval, Mr. Yorke, Mr. Canning, the Attorney General, Mr. Plomer, Mr. Burton, Mr. Leycester, and, indeed, all the set ministerial members, who spoke in the debate, dwelt upon the great injury the country would sustain in losing the Duke of York, as Commander in Chief. But, it "was his own spontaneous motion.” He The debate then went on. Mr. Perceval would not stay in. But, why did they not objected to the word now; and, after a de- get him to remain, till they had negatived bate of considerable length, the Resolution Mr. Bragge's motion? They, surely, who was passed, leaving out the word now, had got him to wait so long, could have which, to me, does not appear of very great prevailed upon him to wait two days longer. importance; because, the sense seems to The motion was to be made on Monday, be fully expressed in the previous words, and they could not get him to wait that which contain the reason why the house time. Zounds, then! don't let him boast does not think it necessary to proceed any so much of his patience. Why, he must further. The Duke having resigned, &c. is I have been as impatient to get out of office

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as most men are to get into office, and as | But, whom do they thank for it? Tohe himself was, according to his pretty wards whom are their grateful feelings letter from Sandgate, to get into the arms directed? Aye it is in this that the minisof Mrs. Clarke, poor woman!-When the Duke sent his letter to the House, did any one suppose, that he would have made a spontaneous resignation of his office? Did that letter, either in its tone or matter, indicate the most distant idea of this sort ? On the contrary, did it not, in every line, breathe defiance? Look again at Mr. Perceval's proposed Address, which is an echo to that letter, and see whether its object, its chief object, be not to tell the king, that the House will go with him in keeping the Duke of York in his place. Again look at the several speeches, on the ministerial side of the House, and see whether they did not labour principally to this point. Recollect the concluding words of the Attorney General, who gave such strong reasons for believing, that the Duke would not abuse his powers for the future. The Solicitor General said, that you might as well stub the Duke of York to the heart, as to pass a vote for his removal; and, though he explained this away a little afterwards, it is clear, from the remarks upon it, in the House, that so he was understood. It is, then, as clear as noon-day, that the settled purpose was to keep the Duke in his place; and, there can be no doubt, that this purpose was, at last, given up only when it was perceived, that there would have been a majority for the motion of Mr. Bragge, after passing which motion it would have been impossible for him to remain without producing an open war between a majority of the House and the King's servants.

ters have been highly blameable. It is their fault that the public gratitude is not directed, in part, at least, in that way, in which it was their first duty to have caused it to be directed, and to produce which cause they had it completely in their power, unless it be true, that, as Mr. Whitbread stated, they were not the efficient ministers of the king. What the public has now gained they thank themselves for, next after Mr. Wardle. They see that nothing has been conceded to them, without reluctance; and even in the motives stated by Mr. Perceval, for the Duke's resignation, they find no expression, not a single word, which is cal culated to awaken in them sentiments of a description, which wise ministers would have bent their whole minds to keep alive. Jacobins, indeed! Those are the jacobins; those are the true destroyers of thrones, who omit nothing that may tend to irritate and disgust the people; who push them on to the utmost stretch of their patience.It is useless to tell us, that the ministers had nothing to do with the Duke's resignation. We should as soon believe, that Mr. Perceval had nothing to do with the keeping of the secret about the note in the hands of Sandon. In short, it is quite in vain to endeavour to palliate their conduct, which, towards the people, has, from first to last, been any thing but gracious; and that the people most sensibly feel.

There was a part of the speech of Mr. Whitbread of the 20th, that did not at all Well, be this as it may, whatever might square with my ideas upon the subject. It be the motive, out he is, and, so far the related to those great allowances, which we public wish has been gratified. But, how are to make for the failings of princes; much better would it have been, if he had and it did, to me, appear very much resigned at an earlier period? How like courtly flattery, and that, too, much better would it have been, if, at the of the worst sort.- "An hon. gent. prooutset, the servants of the king had acted "posed to read the Duke of York a lecin the manner which I formerly pointed "ture on morality. He (Mr. W.) did not out, and which was, indeed pointed out by" think this a very fit time for such a lecthe nature of the case? If they had so "ture. A sufficiently long and grave one acted, instead of fighting the Charges, inch" had been read to his royal highness in by inch; instead of causing a clear line of" the course of the examination. The si distinction to be drawn between them and those persons who were not hostile to the Inquiry; if they had so acted, there would not, as there now is, be a guide to direct the public resentment whereon to fix it-" that valuable acquisition-an admonishing The public are pleased that the "friend. Such a friend was with them so Duke of York is out of office; they are rare, that to speak the truth to a prince convinced that this is for their good; they had been always considered as a chaare satisfied that this is a happy event. "racteristic of extreme boldness.

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"tuation of princes was a very difficult one. "They were exposed to greater temptations "than others, without the same means of re"sistance. They almost always wanted

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let it remain untortured by priest-craft, always speaks the voice of justice and of common sense; but, Mr. Whitbread would reverse this great maxim, and would have us believe, that, because much is given, little ought to be required." Difficulty” indeed! What difficulty is there in a prince's living a sober, a regular, and a decent life? In well-ordering his affairs; in choosing for his companions men of sense and of good character; in keeping his expences within the bounds of moderation ; in regularly and faithfully discharging all demands upon him; in keeping his word upon all occasions; in carrying himself towards the public in a manner at once gracious and dignified? What "difficulty" is there in this to a person, who has no care about providing the means of his present, or his future, support, and whose income is as sure as his existence? So far from this being difficult, that it appears to me to come to a man as naturally as his teeth or his nails; and, that, if we suppose his nature not to be radically bad, the ditficulty must be in avoiding it.

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❝is a bold man this,' it had been said,, "for he has spoken the truth even to the King. Some allowances in a moral "point of view were due to persons in "such a situation. Another strong reason "why the House should not read the "Duke of York a lecture on morality was, "the situation in which the princes were "placed, from the necessity of the case, "of not being allowed to form those connec"tions of the heart which were permitted to "every other subject. He did not say that this "was a case in point with respect to his "Royal Highness. The observation was "general; but he thought it was a reason "why the House should not readily throw “stones at princes on account of their im66 proper connections. We had, he ob"served, one Royal Duke whose character "for morality and correct conduct, stood "as high as that of any man; and, consi"dering the circumstances to which he "had alluded, the greater temptations and "the difficulties attached to the situation, "it would not be an easy matter to prize "such a character higher than it deserved." A nicer dish of flattery than this I do" to the want of an admonishing friend," not recollect to have ever seen, even in a whose fault must that be? IIis own. If, romance; it must, one would suppose, be indeed, the princes of England were, like relished even by him, who was so very those of Barbary, shut out from the world, delicate in his palate, that Mrs. Clarke there might be some force in this observafound it frequently necessary to change tion; but here they mix in society; they her man-cooks, of which she had a are free to choose their companions; there brace at a time. "A difficult situation?" is neither law nor custom to restrain them, In what is the situation of one of our prin- and they have shown us, that they know ces difficult? Do they want money? Do how to exercise this freedom. If, then, they want for any thing, which other men their friends, or the persons that approach have? I can see nothing that they want them, the persons in whose society they for, which this world can afford. Instead delight, and whose virtues, or vices, they of being exposed to greater temptations will be apt to imitate, be not such as Mr. than others, they seem to me to be ex- Whitbread could wish, the fault is with posed to none of those temptations, which themselves, and with themselves alone. form the apology for the vices of men, in common life. They have not, he tells us, "the same means of resistance." I wish he had attempted to show this; to give us reasons for what he asserted. For my part, unless we admit their impunity to be legalized, I can see no check upon the vices of other men, which does not exist with respect to them. Indeed, this doctrine of Mr. Whitbread would go much farther than he appears to have perceived. If it be sound with respect to princes, it must, in due degree, be equally sound with regard to nobles; and, in short, rank and riches will become, in themselves, an apology, if not a justification, for vice. "From "him to whom much is given, much shall $6 be required," says the Gospel, which,

I think the moral part of the apology equally deficient in sound reason. Shall they, because the law restrains them from marrying whom they please, urge that as an excuse for not observing the obligations of matrimony, when they have voluntarily entered into it? For, there is no law to compel them to marry; and, therefore, if they ever do marry without that aflection of which Mr. Whitbread speaks, so much the greater their shame. At any rate, when once married, they have, leaving the solemnity of the vow out of the question, entered into a compact; and, to break that compact is an act of dishonour in itself, an act of injustice and of cruelty towards the weaker party to the compact, and an injury committed against the public, against P

SUPPLEMENT to No. 12, VOL. XV.-Price 1s.

very father and every mother, who have children liable to be led into vice and consequent misery by such an example. Mr. Canning has told us, in his usual high manner, that, the characters of princes are public property. Indeed, not only has this been said, in varying phrases, twenty times, during the debate; but, we constantly hear it, especially in cases of libel, from the Bench; and that, too, as applied to all men in high situations in the state. With reference to the latter use, which is made of this notion, one cannot refrain from observing, that that is a very odd sort of property, which the proprietors dare not touch, even so far as to ridicule it. But leaving this to remain along with the other consistencies of that curious law, let as see a little how the notion squares with the doctrine of Mr. Whitbread. The character of princes, being public property, ought, one would naturally suppose, to be the more carefully guarded. What is a man's own, he may do what he pleases with; but that which is the property, wholly, or in part, of another, he is bound to manage according to certain rules of equity and propriety. Mr. Whitbread, however, seems to think, that this property, which is held in trust, is to be less attended to by the actual possessor; he thinks, that, though the immoralities, though the adulterous life of the Duke of York, stands proved, and, on all hands, confessed, the House should not "throw stones" at him; that is to say, should not give him "a lec"ture on morality."- -With respect to princes not married, and the temptations they may be exposed to, whatever apology may be found for their departure from the strict letter of the law, there can be none found, discovered, or invented, for their departure from the rules of decorum. Here passion can put in no plea. Their character, we are told, is to be specially protected by the law, because it is public property; what right have they, then, to set an example of dissoluteness of manners, injurious to the nation at large? I do not say, that they do this. Mr. Whitbread's argument is general, and so is mine. There can be no temptation," other than the invitations of a really vicious heart, to outrage public decency. Nature, in her best form, dictates to us to draw a veil over the gratifications towards which she most strongly impels us. The manners of this country have been formed under this amiable and unerring guide; and, against those manners, he who commits an open outrage, is guilty of a very grave offence. I

He discovers not only a want of moral virtue in himself; but a want of respect for it in others. He reverses the qualities of the magistrate: he is an example to evil-doers, and a terror to those who do well.-True, the situation of unmarried princes has something peculiar in it, in regard to female connections; but, if we find a hardship here, do we find nothing of peculiar advantage to weigh against it? Celibacy, in the legal sense, may be their lot; but it is also their lot to enjoy, without any exertions or cares, on their part, almost every thing which men desire in this world; besides, let us not forget, that the law does not impose celibacy on them. They (like all other children, 'till 21 years of age) are left, in this respect, to the will and pleasure of their father. It is not the public, nor any law, on the part of the public, that prevents them from marrying. The matter is left wholly in the Royal Family.—I can see, therefore, but very little excuse to be got out of the peculiarity of their situation, for any departure from the strict letter of the law, which excuse would not apply to every other man; while, on the other hand, I can see abundance of reasons, why an open defiance of decency should be regarded as more criminal in them than in other men; why the restraint should be greater, and why the temptation should be less. While they have all the means of making the least disgraceful selection of their connections, they have also all the means of ren. dering the connection as little scandalous as possible. They have, in this respect, many advantages, which men in general cannot possess; and if, instead of profiting from these advantages; if, instead of draw ing a veil over their connections of this sort; if, instead of keeping them in the back ground, any prince were to expose them to the public; were to intrude them upon the notice of the people; were to boast of his bastardizing deeds; were to exhibit, as it were in triumph, the pledges of prostitution; would Mr. Whitbread still say, that we should not " throw stones" at him? I will put it to Mr. Whitbread, as a husband and a father (in both which characters he is said to be eminently good), what he thinks must be the effect of such an example; and, whether he does not think, that, by the force of such an example of triumphant vice, the grey hairs of many a father would not fail to be brought with sorrow to the grave? The happiness of the people; the fidelity of husbands and wives, the innocence of children, and

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