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VOL. XV. No. 6.] LONDON, SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 11, 1809. [Price 10d.

In the old Pitt administration, about the year 1800, the sum of fifty-four thousand pounds were lent, out of the public money, without any previous consent of Parliament, to the DUKE OF YORK, which was to be repaid by instalments of one thousand pound each quarter of a year, but not to begin until January 1805. The Duke was then, as he is now, Commander in Chief, Colonel of Guards, &c. &c. and had pensions, for himself and Duchess, to the amount of thirty thousand pounds a year, not including any grant upon the Irish establishment.

The earl of Hardwicke (brother of Mr. CHARLES YORKE, obtained, in September 1805, the reversion of the sinecure place of Clerk of the Common Pleas in the Irish Exchequer. This place, which is, in the Parliamentary Reports, stated to be worth eleven thousand and ninety-four pounds a year, is now enjoyed by the earl of Buckinghamshire; and, observe, it is, after his death, to be enjoyed by lord Hardwicke during the lives of his two sons, lord viscount Royston and Charles James Yorke.

Joha BERESFORD, jun. and James Beresford, esqrs. have for their joint lives, with benefit of survivor ship, a thousand pounds a year, as WINE-TASTERS in Ireland, which place they have enjoyed since 18th February, 1802. II. B. Beresford, and John Claudius Beresford, jun. have the lucrative place of STOREKEEPERS OF THE CUSTOM-HOUSE, Dublin, and have had it since May, 1802. amount of the profits is not stated in the Report.



(Continued from page 192.)




fore, it is the interest of the nation in general, and particularly of all persons "of property, to concur in putting a stop "to this licentiousness of writing and of


speaking." Such is the reasoning of the venal writers, in news-papers, magazines, pamphlets, and especially in the poor paltry Reviews, which are conducted by clergymen,by salaried magistrates, and by pensioners. To this sort of reasoning not a little countenance has now been given by persons in possession of great official power. One minister has said, that it is become matter of doubt with many good men, whether the benefit of a free press be not overbalanced by the licentiousness attending it; and another of the king's ministers has said, that it is not perceived by every one, how difficult it is, in many cases, to convict a man of a libel, though the libel be obvious enough. Just at this very time, too, we see advertised, fat an enormous expence, to be pub lished by the Horse-Guards bookseller, EGERTON, a pamphlet pointing out the present difficulties of producing conviction in cases of libel, which pamphlet is dedicated to the Duke of York and Albany. While this is going on, a MR. WHARTON, Who, I am told, is the same that is Chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means in the House of Commons, is publishing a pamphlet to inculcate the notion, that Jacobinism is re

I last week expressed my regret, that any thing should have occurred to prevent me from giving an account of the campaign in Spain. That expression I now repeat; and, there are several other subjects, of great political importance, on which I am anxious to offer some remarks to the public; but, the subject of the Charges against the Duke of York, especially as these charges have been forced into connection with questions of general policy and liberty; this subject is not only of more interest than any other, but, it absolutely supersedes all other; discussion upon any other subject, is, in fact, useless, till this has been decided upon. An attempt has, through a connection with Mr. Wardle's charges, been made to deprive us of the remains of our freedom. From the tone and manner of the venal herd of writers, it has long been manifest, that there was on foot a scheme for putting down all free discussion; and, upon the preferring of these charges, they have broke out afresh, and with more boldness than ever, in accusations, not only against the freedom of the press; but also against the freedom of the tongue. Their mode of reasoning is this: "these charges are false; such charges are the consequence of the licentiousness of writ-vived. This is, to be sure, an excessively "ing and of speaking; such charges tend stupid and dirty performance; it is so very " to overthrow the monarchical branch low, so very shabby, so very despicable, " of the constitution; to overthrow the that one cannot help laughing at it, espemonarchical branch of the constitution cially when one considers it as opposed to "would be to produce general confusion, the Edinburgh Review; but, it does, neverdistress, misery, and blood-shed; there-theless, tend to prove the existence of a

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concert, premeditated or accidental, to importance. To busy ourselves about persuade the public at large, that there is schemes of war or peace, or of political yet too much freedom of writing and speaking a conomy; thus to busy ourselves, while enjoyed.Till this point, therefore, is the present proceedings are unclosed and settled, all other public matters are un- while these new doctrines are undecided interesting. From freedom of speech and upon, would be as foolish as for a man to of the press, the next step is the safety of be engaged in making repairs at one end property and person. The war in Spain, or of his house, while the other end was on any where else; the success or failure of fire.--This being my view of the matter, any military or naval enterprize; the addi- I shall, as far as my small power will go, tional conquests and increasing means of keep the attention of the public closely the Emperor Napoleon; all these are of nailed to the inquiries now going on, relano interest to us, if we be in a state of un- tive to the conduct of the Duke of York, certainty as to what is to be the fate of who is not to be regarded merely as “a our freedom at home. We are called son of the crown," as Mr. Fuller called upon daily for "sacrifices" in support of him, nor merely as the person, to whose the war against the Emperor of France; skill and courage the military defence of and, upon what ground are these sacrifices our country is committed; but also as a demanded? Why, upon the ground, that person who has the chief command of a the war is necessary to prevent our coun- department, which costs this nation 23 try from being finally conquered by Na- millions of pounds sterling a year; and who, poleon. And, why, wherefore, for what rea- under the king's sole controul, has the abson, are we called upon to make sacrifices to solute power of promoting, or of cashierprevent our country from being conquered ing, any one, or any number, of about by Napoleon? The reason alledged is this: twelve, or fifteen, thousand commissioned and that, if he were to conquer our country, staff officers, connected by ties, more or we should become slaves; that is to say, less close, with almost all the families, of we, like the people in France, should be any note, in the kingdom. Merely as a deprived of the liberty of uttering our son of the king, and a person receiving complaints, whatever corrupt and profli- such large sums out of the public purse, gate acts our rulers might be guilty of; we should have an interest, and a deep and, that, we, being thus deprived, should, interest, too, in the moral example of the in a short time, have no security for our Duke of York; what, then, must be our property or our lives. It is to prevent this interest in his wisdom and integrity, when evil; this very evil, that we are making we see committed to his hands a far greater daily such enormous pecuniary sacrifices, degree of power than has, in this country, and that so many of our countrymen make ever before been committed to the hands a sacrifice of their lives. Viewing the of any individual?--In my last, at page struggle in any other light, there is no 174, I was obliged to break off the insertion sense in it. In any light but this we can- of the first Debate upon this all-important not view the contest, without acknowledg- subject. The remainder of that debate I ing ourselves to be almost upon a level shall now first insert, and, when that is with the brute creation. It is not for a done, I shall come to the first Examination name, for an empty sound, for any thing of witnesses, of which Examination I shall merely imaginary, that we are making all be careful to omit no essential part, and these unparalleled sacrifices. It is not especially of what has a tendency in for any thing theoretical; but for the sub-favour of the Duke of York; because, on stantial practical benefit of English freedom; the right, the legal right, of freely making our complaints, and of demanding redress, when we think ourselves injured or insulted; which, as all the world must see, are the only means of insuring safety to property and persons.Till, there--and of this plan the present was fore, we see the result of the pending pro- only a particular instance, (hear! hear !).-1 ceedings, and the fate of the doctrines, now abroad, relative to the freedom of the people, all other public matters, not excepting those relating to our means of defence against the conquering Napoleon, are, comparatively at least, of very trifling

every account, my wish is, that no conclusion against him should be drawn from doubtful premises..

Debate of the 27th January, continued from page 174.

He was glad that this enquiry was to take place, because there was in the country a conspiracy against all that was eminent in the state. They all knew what that spirit was upon which this conspiracy was

subject most important, and demanding the deepest and most accurate inquiry. He coincided with the right hon. gent. opposite (Mr. Yorke), that the Ficuse should maturely deliberate on the mode of proceeding best calculated to render

Let blame fall where it ought; but the
House ought to consider the illustrious ob-
ject against whom the charge was directed;
they ought to consider his high station in
the country, and the eminent services which
he had performed for the country, in the
state to which he had brought the army-effectual justice.
(heur! What was the state of the army
when he became Commander in Chief It
scarcely deserved the name of an army, and it
was now found by experience to be, in
proportion to its numbers, the best army
that ever existed. The best mode to
do justice to the sovereign--to do justice
to the high character now impeached-and
to do justice to the country,would, perhaps,
be to appoint a Parliamentary Commission,
to examine each party on oath
-(loud cries of hear! hear! from both sides
of the House.) The gentleman might have
circumstances in wiew to support these
charges, which he believed to be founded
in truth. He only spoke of this Com-
mission with reference to his own argu-
ment, He had said that he believed a
CONSPIRACY to exist, and if the House
could go along with him, and suppose
that this was actually the case, he threw
out for their consideration, whether a Par-
liamentary Commission with power to ex-
amine on oath was not preferable to a
Committee. He could not think he had
done his duty if he had not thrown out
this idea for consideration. The import-
ance of the subject well deserved such a
mode of proceeding. But at all events,
he was happy that the matter would now
be properly investigated.

Sir FRANCIS BURDETT considered the

Mr. ADAM stated, that for nearly the period of 20 years he had been, from professional avocations, very intimately connected not alone with the pecuniary concerns of the illustrious personage alfected by the motion of the hon. gent. (Mr. Wardle), but even with his embarrassments. In the attention which he had directed to those concerns, he was assisted by the most frank and candid communications from his royal highness. Every difficulty, and every particular was disclosed to him by his royal highness with a recollection the most retentive, an accuracy the most correct, and a fidelity the most unquestionable. If, therefore, any such regularities or transactions took place, as the motion of that night went to convey, it was almost impossible but that in the course of his inquiries some feature of such a system would have appeared, whereas the direct contrary was the result of a long and minute application to the pecuniary transactions of his royal highness*. Having felt it his duty to make this statement, he had next to impress upon the House that both in justice to its own privileges, and to the dignified character of the illustrious personage, it ought not to surrender its inquisitorial powers,

* At every moment of that long period he had possessed the unlimited confidence founded; and though it was not the same of that illustrious person, even during his at present as at the time of the French embarrassments (for as they had been unrevolution, yet, as the late Mr. Pitt had der the consideration of Parliament, he truly said the jacobinical spirit, when once may advert to these embarrassments), and roused, is not easily put down." The spirit in all his experience of him, he had known` was not yet extinct, and the consequence his royal highness uniformly to state the was a conspiracy for talking and writing situation of his affairs with an accuracy down every thing illustrious and eminent that was extraordinary, with a truth bein the nation to run down the royal fa-yond example, and with a fidelity of memily through the duke of York, and to run down the army through its generals. This was a consequence of a fice press, the freedom of which was justly considered the palladium of liberty, but whose licentiousness was the destruction of civil society. That licentiousness of the press had been actively directed against the illustrious person who was the object of this motion, and who from his station and all his past services, might be supposed secure from its attacks.

mory that reflected the highest credit upon his understanding. In all that time he had never heard of his having procured any accommodation or loan on any other terins, than the Duke of Bedford, the Duke of Devonshire, or the Duke of Northumberland would, if they had occasion. This he stated, in order to shew that, in the inquiry that was to take place, from what he knew personally, he could confidently assert that the facts alledged would prove unfounded.

nor delegate to any Select or Secret Committee that inquiry, which, to be efficient, ought to be public, and for the publicity of which there was no person in the country more anxious than his royal highness the duke of York-(Hear! heur!).

Mr. WILBERFORCE expressed his sense of the importance of the subject which was submitted to the consideration of the House. He was confident that the 'hon. mover was impressed with the great responsibility which attached to a charge brought, as it was, against such an elevated character in the country. He did by no means wish to convey that the extent of such responsibility ought at all to deter a member of that House from bringing before it an accusation, for which he had convincing testimony, although directed against one of the most considerable persons in the empire, both in rank or influence; but he did conceive that when high character was implicated, the most efficient and most satisfactory mode of investigation ought to be adopted. To enable the House to arrive at that desirable end, he fully agreed with his right Hon. friend (Mr. Yorke) near him, that the investigation of the charges that night preferred ought to be committed to a Parliamentary Commission, specially delegated for that specific purpose. Such inquiry was not to be considered private or secret. It would afford the best species of communication, namely, publicity at the end, but not in the progress. Whoever had attended to the consequences of public examination at the Bar of the House, could not be blind to the numerous and fatal inconveniencies of such a mode of proceeding. The very object for which it was proposed was too often defeated by the means. By acquiescing to the appointment of a commission the witnesses would be examined upon oath, all party bias and personal altercation would be prevented, and, of course a weight and confidence would be attached to the decision of those delegated, which it was impossible to expect from any public discussion or examination at the Bar. It was for the house to bear strongly in its recollection, that in the present unexampled and critical state of the civilized world, all Europe looked with a vigilant

and anxious attention to the deliberations of the British House of Commons. That House was now put on its trial before the scrutinizing tribunat of public opinion. It had to render justice, both to the illustrious personage, whose character he expected

would come clear and unsullied from the ordeal, and to the counti y, who was equally interested in the result. The claims of the public demanded that the representatives of the people should look to substantial justice, however high the rank, eminent the services, or splendid the connections of the dignified personage against whom such charges were preferred.--That justice, he conceived, could be most satisfactorily obtained by an inquiry, private in its progress, but to be public in the result, particularly when he reflected on the description of persons likely to be examined, and the importance of the interests affected by the accusation.

The CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER coincided in the unanimous feelings of the House, that to the most solemn and serious accusation brought forward that night, the most solemn and serious inquiry ought to be afforded. The only difference that seemed to exist in the mind of gentlemen was, as to the manner of conducting that investigation, whether the ends, to which all looked with equal eagerness, were more likely to be acquir ed by a private and delegated examination, or by a full, prompt, and public dis cussion, arising from the testimony, which the hon. gent. who submitted those charges to parliamentary considerations may be enabled to produce at the Bar of that House. When he contemplated the important interests which the country had, whether in acquitting the exaited personage, if, as he was convinced, the event would prove, such charges could not be substantiated, or in rendering justice to the dignity of the character of parliament, he was compelled by all and every consi deration, to call upon that House not to abandon its legitimate judicial province, and by its first step to deprive itself of that freedom of conduct and action, that might eventually preclude it from adopting the course which it might be convinced was ultimately serviceable. There was no course that could prove satisfactory to the country, but a public one-and whatever inconveniencies may follow from its adoption, they were dissipated by the superior and paramount advantages. Independent of its general recommendation some consideration ought to be extended to the wishes of his royal highness. That wish he could positively state was, that the investigation should be most complete and public (hear! hear! hear! ). There was nothing that his royal highness so particularly deprecated as any secret or close

It was then carried, nemine contradicente, That the Conduct of his royal highness the Commander in Chief, in the appointment of Commissions, and filling up of Vacancies in the Army, be referred to a Committee.

The CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER then moved, that it should be a Committee of the whole House.

discussion of those charges. Standing as ous to afford the fullest inquiry in his that illustrious personage did on the fair-power to the right hon. the Chancellor of ness of his character, and the fulness of the Exchequer. The office where this the evidence which he was enabled to pro- agency was transacted was in Threadduce in refutation of these charges, he needle-street, under the firm of Pollman was most peculiarly anxious to appear be- and Heylock. The persons conducting fore the country; if acquitted, acquitted the business there did not deny the influby the most accurate and severe inquiry, ence under which they were able to proor if condemned, condemned by the most cure appointments. They had stated vapublic and undeniable evidence. Was rious situations purchased in the island of the present moment suitable for the state- Jamaica, and that two members of the ments, he believed he could enter into present Cabinet, for whom they acted in particulars which would convince the such negociations, and to whom he alludHouse, that it was impossible to bring ed in his speech, were the lord Chancellor those alledged charges home to his royal and the duke of Portland. highness. The (Mr. Wardle) had in the course of his speech stated a circumstance which particularly involved the character of his majesty's government. He had mentioned that two members of the king's cabinet were concerned in this agency for the disposal of government patronage. This was a topic on which he felt it due to himself to require the fullest information, and it was for the option of the hon. gent. to determine, whether he would afford it in a public manner in that House, or by a private communication to some of the responsible servants of the crown (a cry of name! name!). When in possession of that information, he assured the House that by him no measure would be left undone to unravel and elucidate the truth or falsehood of that allegation. It was not for him to tell that House, that in this great capital it might happen that foolish persons were frequently deceived by advertisements in the public papers, announcing the disposal of official patronage. And perhaps it has occasionally turned out, that the very persons who were originally deceived by these advertisements to make applications, did ultimately obtain the Mr. SECRETARY CANNING Conceived very appointments for which they had en- that the surprise expressed by the noble deavoured to negociate; but he was con- lord in seeing his right honourable friend vinced that as there was nothing so dis- propose to the consideration of that House creditable to government, so there was the most desirable mode of proceeding, nothing more false in fact than the idea, would have been prevented if that noble that money was paid to persons high in lord had considered the nature of the imoffice for such transactions. For the dis-provement which was recommended. The tinct manner in which the hon. gent. sub-interference of his right hon. friend was mitted the question to the House, he con- not to restrict, but to extend inquiry-it ceived him entitled to its thanks. He had pledged himself to bring his charges home to h. r. h. the Duke of York. Upon that pledge the proposed inquiry was admitted; and both for the accuser and the accused, to guard against suppression and insufficiency of evidence, publicity was essentially necessary.

Mr. WARDLE stated, that he was anxi

Lord FOLKSTONE considered the honourable mover entitled to the fullest credit, for the manner in which he brought the subject forward. He was of opinion that the ends of justice would be best answered by referring the inquiry to a Select Committee, from whose Reports all the benefits of publicity would be derived. It was extraordinary to see the Chancellor of the Exchequer interfere with the mode of proceeding which the hon. mover had adopted, when the House recollected with what severe comment that gentleman (Mr. Perceval) remarked upon certain members at his side of the House, for the alledged indecorum of taking certain measures out of the hands of the original proposers.

was not to narrow the means, but to enlarge the sphere of deliberation. It was an improvement suited to the importance of the accusation, and to that serious discussion which so many commanding inducements pressed it upon that House to afford. The House should recollect that if such charges were proved, the issue of its deliberation might lead to a proceed

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