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1774

CHAP. III. of legislation in the colonial legislatures, with the exception of acts of the British Parliament, bona fide, made to regulate and restrain external commerce, which from necessity were consented to, was not unanimously averred.

The addresses prepared, the various

papers

drawn up,

and the

claimant of ships and goods seized before he shall be allowed to defend his property, and are subversive of American rights.

Also 12 Geo. III. ch. 24, intituled, An act for the better securing his majesty's dock-yards, magazines, ships, ammunition, and stores,' which declares a new offence in America, and deprives the American subject of a constitutional trial by jury of the vicinage, by authorizing the trial of any person charged with the committing of any offence described in the said act, out of the realm, to be indicted and tried for the same in any shire or county of the realm.

Also the three acts passed in the last session of parliament, for stopping the port and blocking up the harbour of Boston, for altering the charter and government of Massachussetts' bay, and that which is intituled, An act for the better administration of justice, &c.'

Also the act passed in the same session for establishing the Roman Catholic religion in the province of Quebec, abolishing the equitable system of English laws, and erecting a tyranny there, to the great danger (from so total a dissimilarity of religion, law, and government) of the neighbouring British colonies, by the assistance of whose blood and treasure the said country was conquered from France.

Also the act passed in the same session, for the better providing suitable quarters for officers and soldiers in his majesty's service in North America.

Also that the keeping of a standing army in several of these colonies in time of peace, without the consent of the legislature of that colony in which such army is kept, is against law.

To these grievous acts and measures Americans cannot submit; but, in hopes their fellow-subjects in Great Britain will, on a revision of them, restore us to that state, in which both countries found happiness and prosperity, we have for the present only resolved to pursue the following peaceable measures: 1st, To enter into a non-importation, non-consumption, and non-exportation, agreement, or association: 2dly, To prepare an address to the people of Great Britain, and a memorial to the inhabitants of British America: And, 3dly, To prepare a loyal address to his majesty agreeably to resolutions already entered into.”

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measures recommended by this Congress, form their best eulo- CHAP. 111. gium, and attest how judiciously a selection of character had been made by the people, for the all interesting concerns entrusted to their care. Affection to the mother country, an exalted admiration of her national character, unwillingness to separate from her, a knowledge of the hazards and difficulties of the struggle to be engaged in, mingled with an enthusiastic love of liberty and of country; with a conviction that all which can make life valuable was at stake; characterize their proceedings.

"When," say they, in their address to the people of Great Britain, "a nation led to greatness by the hand of liberty, and possessed of all the glory that heroism, munificence, and humanity can bestow, descends to the ungrateful task of forging chains for her friends and children; and, instead of giving support to freedom, turns advocate for slavery and oppression, there is reason to suspect, she has either ceased to be virtuous, or been extremely negligent in the appointment of her rulers.

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In almost every age, in repeated conflicts, in long and bloody wars, as well civil as foreign, against many and powerful nations, against the open assaults of enemies, and the more dangerous treachery of friends; have the inhabitants of your island, your great and glorious ancestors, maintained their independence, and transmitted the rights of men, and the blessings of liberty to you their posterity.

"Be not surprised, therefore, that we, who are descended from the same common ancestors, that we, whose forefathers participated in all the rights, the liberties, and the constitution you B b

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so justly boast of, and who have carefully conveyed the same fair inheritance to us, guaranteed by the plighted faith of government, and the most solemn compact with British Sovereigns, should refuse to surrender them to men, who found their claims on no principles of reason, and who prosecute them with a design, that, by having our lives and property in their power, they may with the greater facility enslave you.”

66

are

After stating the serious condition of American affairs, and that not only the oppressions, but the misrepresentations of their country, had induced this address; after stating that they claim to be as free as their fellow-subjects in Britain, they say, not the proprietors of the soil of Great Britain lords of their own property? Can it be taken from them without their consent? Will they yield it to the arbitrary disposal of any men or number of men whatever? You know they will not.

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Why then are the proprietors of the soil of America less lords of their property than you are of yours; or why should they submit it to the disposal of your parliament, or any other parliament or council in the world, not of their election? Can the intervention of the sea that divides us cause disparity in rights; or can any reason be given why English subjects, who live three thousand miles from the royal palace, should enjoy less liberty than those who are three hundred miles distant from it?

"Reason looks with indignation on such distinctions, and freemen can never perceive their propriety."

"At

"At the conclusion of the late war-a war rendered glorious by the abilities and integrity of a minister, to whose efforts the British empire owes its safety and its fame, at the conclusion of - this war, which was succeeded by an inglorious peace, formed under the auspices of a minister, of principles, and of a family, unfriendly to the protestant cause, and inimical to liberty ;-we say at this period, and under the influence of that man, a plan for enslaving your fellow-subjects in America was concerted, and has ever since been pertinaciously carrying into execution."

The former relative situation of the two countries is then stated, and they are reminded of the loyalty and attachment of the colonists to the common interests of the empire. The transactions since the conclusion of the war are passed in solemn review, and they add, "This being a true state of facts, let us beseech you to consider to what end they lead.

“Admit that the ministry, by the powers of Britain, and the aid of our Roman Catholic neighbours, should be able to carry the point of taxation, and reduce us to a state of perfect humiliation and slavery; such an enterprize would, doubtless, make some addition to your national debt, which already presses down your liberties, and fills you with pensioners and placemen. We presume also, that your commerce will somewhat be diminished. However, suppose you should prove victorious, in what condition will you then be? What advantages or what laurels will you reap from such a conquest? May not a ministry with the same armies enslave you?"

The resources which the subjugation of America would place

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CHAP. III in the hands of the crown are then expatiated on, and the address proceeds, "We believe there is yet much virtue, much justice, much public spirit in the English nation. To that justice we now appeal. You have been told that we are seditious, impatient of government, and desirous of independency. Be assured that these are not facts, but calumnies. Permit us to be as free as yourselves, and we shall ever esteem a union with you to be our greatest glory, and our greatest happiness. We shall ever be ready to contribute all in our power to the welfare of the empire. We shall consider your enemies as our enemies, and your interest as our own.

"But if you are determined that your ministers shall wantonly sport with the rights of mankind-if neither the voice of justice, the dictates of the law, the principles of the constitution, nor the suggestions of humanity, can restrain your hands from shedding human blood in such an impious cause; we must then tell you, that we will never submit to be hewers of wood, nor drawers of water, for any ministry or nation in the world.

66 Place us in the same situation that we were at the close of the last war, and our former harmony will be restored *.”

The petition to the king states succinctly the grievances complained of, and then proceeds: "Had our Creator been pleased to give us existence in a land of slavery, the sense of our condi

* The committee which prepared this manly and eloquent address were, Mr. Lee Mr. Livingston, and Mr. Jay. The composition has been generally attributed to Mr. Jay.

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