sought for it in the mountains of the north-I called it forth, and drew into your service an hardy and intrepid race of men, who were once dreaded as the inveterate enemies of the state. When I ceased to serve his majesty as a minister, it was not the country of the man by which I was moved, but the man of that country held principles incompatible with freedom. It is a long time, Mr. Speaker, since I have attended in parliament; when the resolution was taken in this house to tax America, I was ill in bed. If I could have endured to have been carried in my bed, so great was the agitation of my mind for the consequences, I would have solicited some kind hand to have laid me down on this floor to have borne my testimony against it. It is my opinion, that this kingdom has no right to lay a tax upon the colonies. At the same time, I assert the authority of this kingdom to be sovereign and supreme in every circumstance of government and legislation whatsoever. Taxation is no part of the governing or legislative power; the taxes are a voluntary gift and grant of the commons alone. The concurrence of the peers and of the crown is necessary only as a form of law. This house represents the commons of Great Britain. When in this house we give and grant, therefore, we give grant what is our own; but can we give and grant the property of the commons of America? It is an absurdity in terms. There is an idea in some, that the colonies are virtually represented in this house. I would fain know by whom? The idea of virtual representation is the most contemptible that ever entered into the head of a man; it does not deserve a serious refutation. The commons in America, represented in their several assemblies, have invariably exercised this constitutional right of giving and granting their CHAP. IV. CHAP. IV. own money; they would have been slaves if they had not enjoyed it. At the same time, this kingdom has ever possessed the power of legislative and commercial controul. The colonies acknow. ledge your authority in all things, with the sole exception that you shall not take their money out of their pockets without their consent. Here would I draw the line-quam ultra citraque nequit consistere rectum." After some minutes of profound silence, Mr. Grenville stood up, and with all the systematic obstinacy of a sincere but cloudy and narrow mind entangled in the web of its own sophistry, entered into a laboured vindication of the measures of his administration. He asserted, that the tumult in America bordered on open rebellion; and if the doctrine promul gated that day were confirmed, he feared they would lose this name to take that of revolution. He affirmed taxation to be a branch of the sovereign power, and that it had been frequently exercised over those who were never represented; it was exercised over the East India and other chartered companies, and over the proprietors of stock, and many great manufacturing towns. It was exercised over the palatinate of Chester and the Bishopbric of Durham, before they sent representatives to parliament. He appealed for proofs to the preamble of the act which gave them representatives, and which by his desire was read to the house. He said, that when he proposed to tax America, the right was by no one called in question. Protection and obedience were reciprocal; Great Britain protects America; America is therefore bound to yield obedience. "If not, tell me," said he, "when were the Americans emancipated? The seditious spirit of the colonies owes its birth to the factions in this house. We were told we trode on tender ground; we IV. were bid to expect disobedience; what was this CHAP. but telling America to stand out against the law? to encourage their obstinacy with the expectation of support from hence? Ungrateful people of America! The nation has run itself into an immense debt to give them protection; bounties have been extended to them; in their favour the Act of Navigation, that palladium of British commerce, has been relaxed; and now they are called upon to contribute a small share towards the public expense, they renounce your authority, insult your officers, and break out, I might almost say, into open rebellion." 66 "MR. PITT, fired with disdain and resentment, immediately rose to reply, but was called to order by lord Strange, as having already spoken; the privilege of speaking a second time being allowed only in a committee. But the house resounding with the cry of go on, he proceeded with an animation and enthusiasm which no art or study can imitate, spontaneously flowing from the consciousness of great talents engaged in a just and noble cause. Sir," said he, addressing the speaker, "a charge is brought against gentlemen sitting in this house, for giving birth to sedition in America. The freedom with which they have spoken their sentiments against this unhappy act, is imputed to them as a crime; but the imputation shall not discourage me. a liberty which I hope no gentleman will be afraid to exercise; it is a liberty by which the gentleman who calumniates it might have profited. He ought to have desisted from his project. We are told America is obstinate-America is almost in open rebellion. Sir, I rejoice that America has resisted; three millions of people so dead to all the feelings of liberty, as voluntarily to submit to be slaves, would have been It is CHAP. fit instruments to make slaves of all the rest. I came not here armed at all points with law cases and acts of parliament, with the statute-book doubled down in dogs ears, to defend the cause of liberty; but for the defence of liberty upon a general, constitutional principle-it is a ground on which I dare meet any man. I will not debate points of law; but what after all do the cases of Chester and Durham prove, but that under the most arbitrary reigns, parliament were ashamed of taxing a people without their consent, and allowed them representatives? A higher and better example might have been taken from Wales; that principality was never taxed by parliament till it was incorporated with England. We are told of many classes of persons in this kingdom not represented in parliament; but are they not all virtually represented as Englishmen resident within the realm? Have they not the option, ma ny of them at least, of becoming themselves electors? Every inhabitant of this kingdom is neces. sarily included in the general system of representation. It is a misfortune that more are not actu ally represented. The honourable gentleman boasts of his bounties to America. Are not these bounties intended finally for the benefit of this kingdom? If they are not, he has misapplied the national treasures. I am no courtier of America -I maintain that parliament has a right to bind, to restrain America. Our legislative power over the colonies is sovereign and supreme. The honourable gentleman tells us, he understands not the difference between internal and external taxation; but surely there is a plain distinction between taxes levied for the purpose of raising a revenue, and duties imposed for the regulation of commerce. 'When,' said the honourable gen tleman, were the colonies emancipated? At IV. what time, say I in answer, were they made CHAP.. slaves? I speak from accurate knowledge when I say, that the profit to Great Britain from the trade of the colonies, through all its branches, is two millions per annum. This is the fund, which carried you triumphant through the last war; this is the price America pays you for her protection; and shall a miserable financier come with a boast that he can fetch a pepper corn into the exchequer at the loss of millions to the nation? I know the valour of your troops-1 know the skill of your officers-I know the force of this country; but in such a cause your success would be hazardous. America, if she fell, would fall like a strong man; she would embrace the pillars of the state, and pull down the contitution with her. Is this your boasted peace? Not to sheathe the sword in the scabbard, but to sheathe it in the bowels of your countrymen? The Americans have been wronged; they have been driven to madness by injustice. Will you punish them for the madness you have occasioned? No: Let this country be the first to resume its prudence and temper; I will pledge myself for the colonies, that, on their part, animosity and resentment will cease. Let affection be the only bond of coercion. The system of policy I would earnesly exhort Great Britain to adopt, in relation to America, is happily expressed in the words of a favourite poet : Upon the whole, I will beg leave to tell the house in a few words what is really my opinion. It is, 2S |