would think, that all the fund-holders were poor, helpless mortals, unable to shift for themselves; and, what is more, unable to sell their stock, not only at this time, but even after it shall have begun evidently to depreciate! One would think this impossible, too, in a person who has a mind capable of embracing such mighty objects and of inventing such grand schemes; one would think it quite impossible, that such a person should not, long ago, have perceived, that the fund-holders, generally speaking, are the most active, the most greedy, the most cunning part of the community; that they are persons who are constantly upon the look out; that their minds embrace all possible chances; that they are seldom without two strings to their bow; that they are persons who have risen from the dirt, merely by their speculations in the funds and in other things therewith closely or more remotely connected; and that, as to the far greater part of them, they have received ten, or from ten to twenty, per centum for any thing of real value that they have ever advanced. With respect to the loan-contractors, too, though they do not still hold, though they would not, if they could, still hold the stock proceding from their loans; though they have sold it out in little parcels to subaltern speculators, who would have made loans themselves if they could; though the stock is not still theirs, it is gone elsewhere with all its qualities along with it; with all its bonuses and its other immense gains; and, justice will never cause separation in its view of them; they must always remain united; it being no matter to the nation who are the holders; who swallows the fruits of its labour, whether it goes into the belly of the shark or the gudgeon. Take a loan, then, of twenty years ago, and you will find, that the interest and the bonuses, and other emoluments atising from it (to say nothing of the polit cal and other indirect gains) are much more than double the amount of what land, equal in value to the amount of the loan, would have produced in the same time. Where then, is the injustice of now cutting off, or, at least, greatly reducing, the interest upon such loan? and, where would be the justice of coming to the land-owners and seizing a part of their property, in order to divide it with those who have already drawn therefrom the full amount of whatever they advanced? Aye, says this writer, but, the loan-contractors are land owners too. It is not they who would suffer, but the poor helpless creatures who have bought their scrip. What is that to the nation? It may a be, and must be lamented, that these people were so foolish, or so greedy, as to become funnels for the loan contractors to suck the fruit of the nation's labour through; but the act was their own; it was perfectly voluntary; there was no compulsion for them to purchase stock; and they made the purchase with a full knowledge of all the risks and chances attending it, and in consequence of a determination to run those risks and chances for the sake of enhancing their emoluments. They saw that, by becoming unfair "blood-suckers," they could add to their incomes; and are they not to submit to the consequences of having chosen that way of life? Are they now to be huddled together with those whose blood they have been so long sucking, and have been enabling others to suck more copiously?—My correspondent, pursuing his erroneous notion of a perfect similarity between a national debt and a debt between man and man, argues as if the national debt was an actual mortgage upon the land and goods of the nation; but, not only is it not so by law, but it never was, or could be, considered in that light by any one of the loan-makers, whether great or small. It is a mortgage upon the taxes of the nation; and it was, of course, understood, at the making of every loan, that, if those taxes were not sufficient to pay the interest, the interest must go unpaid; so that, at last, we are naturally brought back to the question whence, we started whether it be consistent with the safety of the nation; with its independence; and not only with its mere independence, or, in other words, its existence as a nation, but with the preservation, or the restoration, of its due degree of power and greatness; whether it be consistent with these any longer to continue to raise 27 millions a year upon the people to defray the expenses attendant upon the national debt. I am decidedly of opinion, that it is not consistent with the safety and well-being of the nation any longer to continue such levy; I am decidedly of opinion, that we cannot make either war or peace in a way that shall not accelerate our ruin, as an independent people, without a discontinuance of it; I am decidedly of opinion, that, to express myself in the words of the greatest of political philosophers, the nation must destroy the debt, or that the debt will destroy the nation. Nor is this opinion so singular as the fund-holders may imagine; but, even amongst those who entertain it, it is not rare to find persons ready to avow, that, such is their love of that justice, for which my correspondent is so sturdy an advocate, they would prefer the destruction of the nation; that is to say, its subjugation to a foreign power. The folly of this préference may not be evident to those, who can con sole themselves with the base hope of being still permitted, as the Dutch are, to derive something of an income from the continuation of the funds protected by the edicts, and the arms of a conqueror; but, the justice of it, my correspondent will not, I presume, attempt to` maintain; for, here, still more obviously than in the former comparison, his argument, founded upon the similarity between the debt of a nation and a debt between man and man, would fail him. Why? perhaps, will he say. Is the ruin of a bankrupt any reason for his creditors abstaining from taking his all? No: it is not to prevent them from taking all bis goods and all his property; but, they cannot take his life; they can make him as poor as a day-labourer; they can, in some cises, and in virtue of commercial laws, take away his liberty, in a certain degree, and under the controul of certain regulating powers in the state; but they cannot cut off his limbs; they cannot poison or suffocate him; they cannot demand a pursuit of him, to the very verge of existence; they cannot kill him; they must leave him life and limb, together with an his capacities, mental and physical, for the purposes of prolonging his existence and for those of regaining his weight and consequence in the world. But, the argument of the "blood"suckers" would destroy the nation rather than quit their hold; they would make it cease to exist as an independent community; and not to exist in that state, is, with a nation, not to exist at all. And this they call justice and honour and honesty! In favour of this it is that we are to listen to the incessant and noisy and hypocritical declamation that we daily hear in behalf of the widow and the orphan and the helpless; to support this destroying principle we are invoked to consider the fate of our character in the world; and that we are to submit to be called, unless we yield to it, by every name descriptive of a base and abominable people, for whose signal punishment the thunders of heaven and the vapours of the earth are gathering themselves together! And, shall we thus submit? Shall we, after having been inveigled even to the brink of the fatal precipice, be bullied, because we hesitate at taking the leap; shall we, indeed, tamely submit to be thus taunted and insulted, because we wish to retain that small portion of the vital principle that the blood-sucker" has left in our veins ?-Having trespassed so far upon the patience of the reader, I will not now enter upon my defence against the charge of CRUELTY. Those who think that I have done away the charge of INJUSTICE, will not regard it necessary that much should be said upon the other point: but, I think, I am able to shew, and, for many reasons, I shall endeavour to do it in my next Number, that the calamities to individuals, from the measures that I would propose, would not be of nearly so fearful a magnitude as people in general appear to apprehend, an apprehension industriously propagated by all that large portion of talkers and of writers, who are under the influence, direct or indirect, of the "bloodsucker."--I must once more express my desire to be understood, as speaking, upon this subject, my own sentiments, without knowing that any one member of what is called the Opposition agrees with me. It would be contemptible as well as false to pretend, that, in no instance, one's opinions are not to yield to those of others, particularly for persons of whose talents and wisdom one entertains the greatest possible degree of deference; but, in most instances, I have followed my own original opinion; and, upon all subjects relating to the funding system, I have suffered the judgment of no one to bias me. If I am in error, let' the error be my own, and if not, I have a right this early to put forward my claim to the merit. BERKSHIRE MEETING. On the 8th instant a county meeting was convened at Reading, to take into consideration the propriety of petitioning parliament for the repeal of Mr. Pitt's parish bill. The meeting was attended by all the most respectable ma gistrates, noblemen, gentlemen, and free. holders, of the county. The sheriff took the opportunity of making to the meeting at report of the proceedings consequent upon the last meeting of the county, which was held for the purpose of agreeing upon an address to the king relative to the victory of Trafalgar. He stated, that he had delivered the address to Lord Hawkesbury, the secretary of state for the home departiment, and that he had received a letter from his lordship expressing the satisfaction of His Majesty at the receipt of the dutiful and loyal address of his subjects of Berkshire, and informing the sheriff, that the said address had been, according to the usual custom, inserted in the London Gazette, published under Royal Authority, This naturally brought on inquiries, and a deliberation respecting the fate of the address, which, in the same place, the same persons agreed upon, and requested the sheriff to present to the king, up on the subject of the deeds brought to light in the Tenth Report of the Commissioners of Naval Inquiry; and, after a full explanation of the matter, and upon being perfectly satisfied that the last-mentioned address had never been acknowledged to. have been received by the king, and had not been inserted in the Gazette, according to the usual custom, the following resolutions upon the two subjects before the meeting were proposed and unanimously agreed to. But it will be better to insert the account of the proceedings as published by order of the meeting. At a meeting of the Gentlemen, Clergy, and Freeholders, of this county, (convened by the Sheriff in consequence of "the unanimous vote of the county meet"ing, on the 20th of November last, for "the purpose of considering the operation "of the act of 44th Geo: III. c. 56) held at "the Town-hall, in Reading, on Wednes"day the 8th day of January, 1806. Moris "Ximenes, Esq. High Sheriff, was unani mously called to the Chair,The She"rift communicated to the meeting the "Secretary of State's letter, signifying that the address on the late victory had been "presented to his Majesty, and that the *same had been most graciously received.. Alexander Cobham, Esq. then moved that a petition be presented to parliament "praying a repeal of so much of the act for establishing and maintaining a permanent additional force (44 Geo. III. c. 56) as required overseers to provide the men, "and inflicting penalties on the parish in 66 66 or at a special meeting, to be called for that purpose) were put separately and agreed so nem. con.-Resolved, first, "that it is the right of the people to address "the King. Secondly, that it is usual to "insert addresses to his Majesty in the Lon"don Gazette.Thirdly, that to omit "this mark of attention to the opinion of "the people, is shanieful, if arising from "negligence, and becomes intolerable if for "the purpose of concealment.-Fourth, "that it appears that an address voted at a numerous meeting of the gentlemen, clergy, and freeholders of this county, on the "6th day of May last, on the subject of the abuses in the management of the public "monies, as detailed in the Tenth Report "of the Commistioners of Naval Inquiry, "was left by the High Sheriff at the office " of Lord Hawkesbury the Secretary of "of State for the Home Department. That "the said address has never been published "in the London Gazette, and that it can "have been with-held for no other purpose "but in order to conceal from the eye of "his Majesty and the country, the senti"ments of this county, and their just indignation at the gross and scandalous abuses, there referred to. Fifth, that "for the purpose of exposing the authors of "this scheme of concealment, the. High "Sheriff be requested to cause the forego, "ing resolutions to be printed in the Read"ing, Oxford, Salsbury, and Bath papers, " and in the Courier, Sun, Globe, Oracle, "Times, Traveller, Evening Star, Morning "Chronicle, and Morning Post.By or"der of the meeting, Moris Ximenes, "chairman.On the Sheriff quitting the "chair, Mr. Cobham moved a vote of "thanks to bim for having called the meet"ing, and his candid and impartial conduct "in the chair, which was unanimously "agreed to."-These resolutics do great honour to the county of Berks, which ins set a laudable example to the rest of the kingdom, and if the rest of the kingdom ty as think proper, and that the county do not follow it, they deserve every thing "members be requested to present it as that the rule of the Cannings and the Cas"early as possible after the meeting of tereaghs and the Huskissons can bring upon "parliament. On the motion of Lord them and their posterity.The Parish Folkestone, the thanks of the meeting Bill has proved to be, not worse, for worse "we vated to the Sherif for his attention it could not be, than its opponents said it fr to the addresses of this county, confided would be, All the ludicrous dreamos abont "to his care, on the 6th of May and the the sympathetic battalions are now va**20th of November last. William Hai-inished; all the show, the fine flowery "lett, Esq. then moved the following resolutions andifeconded by Sir John Throck which, (after the of the meete discussed case of their defaults.Or such petition being produced and read, James "Croft, Esq. moved an amenement,. that the petition should extend to pray a re"peal of the whole act. The chairman then put the question, and the petition "with the amendment was unanimously "agreed to.--Resolved, that the petition "be signed by such gentlemen of the coun nonsense, is gone, and nothing but the odiousness of the measure remains. Still the ministers mean, it is said, to persevere ! Twenty-five of the counties have not, it is said, in a circular letter from lord IIawkes bury to the lords lieutenant of counties (see | (Parliamentary Debates, Vol. II. p 735). "is taxation. It is a farce to call it a bill "to raise men. It is a bill to tax all the landed property in the country. It is a p. 157, of the present number) furnished a single man by the parish-officers. From the same source we learn, that three fifths of the whole, number of men, raised by parishofficers, have seen turnished by ten counties, “and those, on an average not favourable to "the levy of men for military service." To what was said againgt this measure in the Register, I shall not presume to trouble the reader to refer; but, I cannot help referring him to the debates in parliament; for there he will now be able to see, who were the wise legislators; there he will be able to see, who were possessed of foresight, of a knowledge of the disposition of men, of judgment as to the principles and the practicability of great measures; there he will see who are the men fit to be entrusted with the management of a nation's concerns, with the calling forth of its resourses, with the preservation of its power, with the care of its honour. The failure of success lord Hawkesbury attributes" to the supineness "and inactivity of the parish-officers, re"salting, principally, as is conceived, "from their ignorance of the provisions of "the act, and the mode of executing "their duty." And then he falls to urging the lords lieutenant to cause them to be convened together, and to have them instructed and enlightened upon these matters; and thus, if the thing were possible, all the parish-officers in the kingdom, every one of whom has quite enough business of his own to attend to, would be called about from place to place to talk a little, to drink much, and to do nothing at all towards the raising of soldiers. It is, surely, the maddest invention that ever proceeded from the mind of a projector! Why did they not foresee, that their act would not be understood? They were told that it would not. The Cannings and the Huskissons sneered when Mr. Windham told them, that the whole country would be thrown into an useless hubbub; that the parish-officer would be runLing to the school-master for instruction and light, that the school-master would run to the justice, the justice to the deputy lieutenant, the deputy to the lord lieutenant, thelord heatenant to the Secretary of State, and the Secretary of State would come to the parament, and that all would be confusion and discontent and mutual accusation and noise and nonsense. The Cannings sneered at this; and, ob, how dearly has this deluded and insulted country paid for those sneers!The bill has proved to be exactly such as it was so well described by Mr.Sheridan. "The object of the bill" said he tax operating in the most unfair and igno"minious manner. It goes to enforce con"fiscation where there is no forfeiture, fines "where there are no offences, punishment "where no crimes are committed." The several debates upon the subject, to which it would be very useful that every man should now refer, will be found as follows: Parliamentary Debates, Vol. II. p. 483, 502, 614, 663, 672, 683, 698, 757; Vol. III. p. 634, and 723. Mr. Sheridan has given notice of a motion, in the House of Commons, for the repeal of this act; and, surely it will be carried to the great joy and relief of the country. Mr. Charles Dundas, upon presenting the Berkshire petition for the repeal said: "The petition was signed by all the "respectable Magistrates, Gentlemen, and "Freeholders of the County, held for the purpose of considering the subject. It "had been found by experience that the act was impracticable, and the Petitioners of necessity felt themselves compelled to apply to the House for its repeal. They "stated in their petition, that of the whole "number which the county, under the act, was called on 'to raise, only eleven had "been procured by Parish Officers, which "had not arisen from any neglect on the part of the Overseers, but from the impossibility of carrying the provisions of "the act into execution. The petition also "stated, that in consequence, a sum of "63251. had been imposed on the County "for penalties, which operated as an op"pressive and unjust burthen upon the "landed interest, and was particularly se vere upon the small farmers. The Hon. "Member after thus stating the substance "of the petition, declared, that under such "circumstances, he should have felt it his duty to submit a motion to the house for "the repeal of the bill, if the subject had not been taken up by the hon. member (Mr. Sheridan), who had given a notice "respecting it, and who was far better qua"lified for the task than he was. At the same time, however, that he felt satisfac 66 66 tion, at seeing the business in such able "hands, he could not let slip the present "occasion of calling the attention of the "Gentlemen opposite (and particularly of "the noble lord, Castlereagh, who had last "night spoken on the subject, and intimat"cd an intention of his Majesty's Ministers to make some alterations in the Bill), to "the matter of this petition. He was con 66 was, that whatever a man's property in "the public stocks or funds might be, be was not called on to find a single man; a "circumstance that shewed how heavily "the pressure must fall upon landed pro sup perty."Here is another instance of the injustice of the effect of paying the fundholders at the present high rate of their interest. In a thousand unseen ways are these people favoured. It is not only the higher rate of interest that they receive for their money; it is not only from what the nation. pays them, but from that from which it exempts them, and must exempt them, that their unfair and oppressive advantages over the land and the labour arise.That this act must be repealed is evident; but, shall the inventors of the project, shall the porters of the ridiculous project, the childish, the wild, the hair-brained project, not only escape censure, but be supported in other projects! Let us hope not. Let us hope, that we are no longer to be the sport of their miserable intentions. Let us hope, that we shall soon see in power persons capable of devising and able to execute some great and unobnoxious measure for giving ns an army commensurate to the dangers of the attack which we have to apprehend. But, it must be no compulsory scheme; no balloting scheme; no more money work; no more feeing men to fight. No scheme of this sort will, in my opinion, ever succeed. The nation has in its hands a great abundance of that which Mr. Burke so aptly and so elegantly terms "the cheap defence "of nations;" if it will give that to the army and to the navy too, it will be easily and effectually defended; it will be able to prosecute the war, or to make an honourable peace; but, if it will not; if the fund-holders are still to predominate, and to engross all those honours and distinctions and all that ́ weight and consequence in society that make men attached to their situations; if this be the case, it will be utterly impossible to bring this contest to any close, which shall not be speedily followed by another contest that will be our last. -Upon the other bject of the Berkshire meeting, namely, the fate of their address relative to the conduct of Lord Melville much need not be said. The resolutions express, in an open, a dignified, and a manly manner, the feelings of every man in England, who is not, or who does not wish to be, a participator in the fruits of corruption. What! shall the people's addresses be received, or not received, as the minister of the day may choose? What a farce is it, then, to address the King! You may, address him; but, if your address please not his servants, it is to be taken no notice of, and is not to be placed any where upon record. The COURIER of the 234 instant has a remark or two upon the Berk-shire resolutions, which I cannot refrain from noticing. "We inserted in our paper "of Monday last, the proceedings of a county meeting in Berkshire, complaining, amongst other things, that an address "from that county to his Majesty on the subject of the proceedings against Lord "Melville, was not inserted in the London "Gazette, and containing the following re"solution, viz. 2dly, That it is usual to "insert addresses to his Majesty in the Lon"don Gazette. 3dly, That to omit this "mark of attention to the opinion of the "people is shameful, if arising from negli gence, and becomes intolerable, if for the purposes of concealment. We are surprised that Lord Folkstone in particular "should have forgotten the well-known "fact, that it is not usual to insert all ad"dresses to his Majesty in the Gazette; and 66 we think the noble lord might have re"membered, that a considerable number of "addresses in the course of last war, pray"ing for peace, the removal of his Majesty's ministers, &c. &c. were not inserted "in the Gazette; and we much question "whether it ever occurred to Lord Folks |